PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


Division    XJ.^.W.^    I 
Sec/ion ^iA...5  ...I.  O. 

S/ie//  Number      s/s^T-. 


A    HISTORY 


OF 


THE    HEBREW    PEOPLE 


A    HISTORY 

OF 

THE    HEBREW    PEOPLE. 

By  CHART.ES  foster  KENT. 

Vol.   I. 

—  The  United  Kingdom. 
12mo.     Net,  $1.25. 

With  Maps. 

Vol.  II. 

—  The  Divided  Kingdom. 
12mo.     Net,  $1.25. 

With  Maps. 

A   HISTOEY 


OP 


THE    HEBREW    PEOPLE 


FROM   THE   DIVISION  OF  THE   KINGDOM   TO 
THE  FALL   OF  JERUSALEM  IN  586  B.C. 


BY 

CHARLES   FOSTER   KENT,  Ph.D. 

ASSOCIATE    PROFESSOR   OF   BIBLICAL   LITERATURE    AND   HISTORY 
BROWN   UNIVERSITY 


WITH  MAPS  AND  CHART 


NEW    YORK 
CHARLES   SCRIBNER'S   SONS 

1897 


Copyright,  1897, 
By  Charles  Scribner's  Sons. 


5Sntbprsitg  ^rcss: 
John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge,  U,  S.  A. 


PREFACE 

The  division  of  the  Hebrew  kingdom  at  the  death 
of  Solomon  turned  the  courses  of  Hebrew  life  and 
thought  into  such  entirely  new  channels  that  that 
which  precedes  and  that  which  follows  this  eventful 
act  constitute,  in  a  sense,  two  independent  historical 
units.  Both,  however,  are  parts  of  an  organic  whole, 
and  therefore  our  knowledge  of  one  remains  incom- 
plete without  a  familiarity  with  the  other.  Recogniz- 
ing that  many  threads  were  necessarily  left  loose,  and 
that  many  conclusions,  especially  in  the  analysis  of  the 
historical  sources,  were  stated  without  complete  proof, 
it  was  with  great  hesitation  that  the  first  volume  was 
submitted  to  the  public.  Its  aims,  however,  have  been 
so  generously  appreciated  by  all  classes  of  Bible  stu- 
dents that  it  is  with  keen  pleasure  that  I  now  endeavor 
to  redeem  the  implied  promise,  and  gather  up  these 
loose  threads  by  presenting  the  subsequent  develop- 
ment of  the  history,  since  this  itself  constitutes  the 
most  satisfactory  and  final  proof  of  the  conclusions 
previously  offered.  Thus,  for  example,  in  the  full  light 
of  the  reformation  of  Josiah,  the  peculiar  ideas  of  the 
Deuteronomic  editor  of  Judges  and  Samuel  are  clearly 
intelligible,  and  the  inconsistencies  in  these  books, 
which  at  first  seem  so  glaring,  disappear  in  the  true 


Vi  PREFACE 

perspective  of  history.  During  the  prophetic  period 
also  the  great  religious  truths,  heretofore  found  only 
in  germ,  unfold,  making  this,  of  all  Semitic  antiquity, 
the  era  unquestionably  the  richest  in  its  intellectual 
and  spiritual  development. 

While  the  determination  to  limit  the  present  volume 
to  the  length  prescribed  by  the  wants  of  the  busy 
reader  has  been  persistently  adhered  to,  the  aim  has 
been  so  to  introduce  him  to  the  character,  work,  and 
essential  teachings  of  each  of  the  prophets  that  he  may 
find  in  their  recorded  words  that  reality  and  meaning 
which  are  impossible  without  a  clear  understanding  of 
their  historical  background. 

A  detailed  critical  analysis  of  the  different  prophet- 
ical books,  which  are  the  main  historical  sources  for 
the  various  periods,  has  not  been  attempted,  since  the 
sections  whose  date  and  authorship  are  in  question 
fortunately  do  not  contain  data  of  sufficient  importance 
to  modify  materially  our  conception  of  the  history  ; 
and  therefore  such  a  treatment  would  be  aside  from 
the  purpose  of  the  present  work,  which  deals  primarily 
with  the  life  of  the  Hebrew  people  in  its  political, 
social,  and  religious  aspects  rather  than  with  their 
literary  products. 

The  course  of  the  development  of  Hebrew  history 
was  determined  so  largely  by  the  influence  of  the  two 
great  world-powers,  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  that  they 
suggest  the  most  practical  division  into  periods.  Be- 
fore the  advent  of  Assyria  the  histories  of  the  two 
Hebrew  kingdoms  ran  closely  parallel  and  therefore 
they  have  been  considered  together.    Subsequently  they 


PREFACE  vii 

were  separated  so  widely  that  they  have  been  treated 
independently.  References  to  sections,  preceded  by 
the  Roman  numeral  I.,  refer  to  the  first  volume  of  this 
history,  which  treats  of  the  period  included  between 
the  settlement  in  Canaan  and  the  division  of  the 
kingdom. 

Trusting  that  this  work  will  prove  to  many  only  a 
starting-point  for  a  more  detailed  study  of  the  variety 
of  interesting  problems  which  arise  in  connection  with 
each  chapter,  I  have  given  in  the  Appendix  a  full  list  of 
references  to  the  leading  authorities.  The  bibliog- 
raphy therein  contained  also  suggests  the  previous 
writers  to  whom  I  am  indebted. 

In  the  same  connection  I  take  pleasure  in  acknowl- 
edging a  more  personal  indebtedness  to  Professor 
Frank  K.  Sanders,  Ph.  D.,  of  Yale  University,  and 
the  Reverends  Samuel  B.  Sherrill  and  Stephen  G. 
Hopkins,  who  have  reviewed  the  present  volume  in 
manuscript. 

C.  F.  K. 
Berlin,  Germany, 

January  2,  1897. 


CONTENTS 


PART   I 

THE  PRE-ASSYRIAN  PERIOD  OF  HEBREW  HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES  FOR  THE  PERIOD 

Sections  1-12.    Pages  3-11. 

Section  1.  The  general  character  of  the  sources.  2.  The  edi- 
tor of  the  Book  of  Kmgs.  3.  Ancient  state  records.  4. 
Analysis  of  I.  Kings  xii.-xvi.  5.  The  Elijah  stories.  6. 
Historical  value  of  Kings.  7.  Characteristics  of  Chronicles. 
8.  Point  of  view  of  the  chronicler.  9.  His  didactic  purpose. 
10.  Sources  of  the  chronicler.  11.  Historical  value  of 
Chronicles.     12.  Phoenician  and  Moabite  inscriptions. 

II 

THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  TWO  KINGDOMS 

Sections  13-17.    Pages  12-15. 

Section  13.  The  chronological  data  of  Kings.  14.  Different 
chronological  systems.     15.   Exactness  of    Assyi'ian   dates. 

16.  Synchronisms   between    Hebrew   and   Assyrian  history. 

17.  Chronology  of  the  Pre-Assyrian  period. 


CONTENTS 


III 


THE  DIVISION  OE   THE   HEBREW  KINGDOM 

Sections  18-26.    Pages  16-25. 

Section  18.  The  causes  of  the  division.  19.  Early  separation 
of  Israel  and  Judah.  20.  Tlie  division  following  the  death 
of  Saul.  21.  Mutual  jealousy  under  David.  22.  Kesults  of 
Solomon's  policy.  23.  Attitude  of  the  prophets.  2-1.  Orien- 
talism versus  Jehovahism.  25.  liehoboam's  policy  and  its 
fruits.     26.   Kesults  of  the  division. 


lY 


RESOURCES  AND  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  TWO 
KINGDOMS 

Sections  27-34.    Pages  26-34. 

Section  27.  The  boundary  between  Israel  and  Judah.  28. 
Their  natural  defences.  29.  Their  relative  productiveness. 
30.  Elements  of  unity  and  discord.  31.  Position  of  the 
king  in  the  north  and  the  south.  32.  The  national  religion 
of  Israel.  33.  Northern  sanctuaries.  34.  Significance  of 
Jeroboam's  religious  policy. 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  ISRAEL  AND  JUDAH 

Sections  35-45.    Pages  35-45. 

Section  35.  The  reigns  of  Jeroboam  and  Rehoboam.  36.  War 
between  Israel  and  Judah.  37.  Accession  of  Omri.  38. 
His  w^ars  with  Damascus.  39.  The  building  of  Samaria. 
40.  The  policy  of  Ahab.  41.  Aramean  invasions.  42.  Ahab's 
victory  over  the  Arameans,  and  defeat  at  Karkar.  43.  His 
death  at  Ramoth-Gilead.  44.  Joram's  unsuccessful  invasion 
of  Moab.     45.   Contemporary  events  in  Judah. 


CONTENTS  xi 


YI 


THE  RELIGIOUS  CRISIS  IN  ISRAEL,  AND  THE  WORK 
OF  ELIJAH 

Sections  46-54.    Pages  46-54. 

Section  46.  The  religious  life  of  Judah.  47.  Position  of  the 
prophets  in  the  two  kingdoms.  48.  Results  of  Ahab's  alli- 
ance with  Phoenicia.  49.  False  and  true  Jehovah  prophets. 
50.  The  danger  from  Baalism.  51.  Character  of  Elijah. 
52.  His  protest  against  Baalism.  53.  Ahab's  crimes  against 
his  subjects.  54.  Elijah's  work  as  a  social  and  religious 
reformer. 


PART  II 

THE  ASSYRIAN  PERIOD  OF  ISRAEL'S  HISTORY 

I 

THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES  AND  CHRONOLOGY 

Sections  55-58.    Pages  57-60. 

Section  55.  The  analysis  of  II.  Kings  iv.-xvii.  56.  The 
prophecies  of  Amos  and  Hosea.  57.  Assyrian  inscriptions. 
58.   Chronology  of  the  period. 

II 

THE  REVOLUTION  OF  JEHU 
Sections  59-68.  Pages  61-69. 
Section  59.  The  contrast  between  Elijah  and  Elisha.  60.  The 
prophetic  guilds.  6L  Character  of  the  "  sons  of  the  prophets." 
62.  Elisha's  relation  to  the  prophetic  guilds.  63.  The  anoint- 
ing of  Jehu.  64.  The  murder  of  Joram.  65.  Death  of  Jez- 
ebel. 66.  Jehu's  slaughter  of  the  royal  family.  67.  The 
disastrous  effects  of  the  revolution.  68.  Establishment  of 
the  principle  of  separation. 


Xll  CONTENTS 


III 


ISEAEL  UNDER  THE  RULE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  JEHU 

Sections  69-76.    Pages  70-77. 

Section  69.  Jehu's  tribute  to  Assyria.  70.  Damascus  and 
Assyria.  71.  Israel's  subjection  to  Damascus.  72.  Aramean 
invasion.  73.  Unexpected  deliverance.  74.  Plumiliation  of 
Damascus  by  the  Assyrians.  75.  Extension  of  Israel's  power. 
76.    Its  Indian  summer  under  Jeroboam  II. 

IV 

THE  PROPHETS  AMOS  AND  HOSEA 

Sections  77-84,    Pages  78-85. 

Section  77.  The  new  type  of  prophets.  78.  Their  character- 
istics. 79.  Nationality  and  position  of  Amos.  80.  His  call 
to  be  a  prophet.  81.  The  reception  of  his  message.  82. 
Personality  of  Hosea.  83.  His  private  history.  84.  Histor- 
ical importance  of  these  prophets. 

V 

SOCIETY  AND  MORALS  IN  ISRAEL 

Sections  85-90.    Pages  86-91. 

Section  85.  The  causes  of  Israel's  sudden  decline.  86.  Im- 
portance of  the  individual  in  the  Hebrew  state.  87.  The  re- 
sults of  the  war  with  Damascus.  88.  Increasing  greed  and 
luxury.  89.  Public  and  private  corruption.  90.  Impending 
national  destruction. 

Yl 

POPULAR  AND  PROPHETIC  RELIGION 

Sections  91-95.    Pages  92-97, 

Section  91.  The  prevailing  conceptions  of  Jehovah.  92.  Cor- 
ruption of  the  priests  and  prophets.  93.  The  God  of  Amos. 
94.  Sources  of  the  new  light.  95.  Divine  love  as  proclaimed 
by  Hosea. 


CONTENTS  xiii 

YII 

THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  ISRAEL 

Sections  96-102.    Pages  98-104. 

Section  96.  The  reign  of  Menahem.  97.  Conquests  of  Tiglath- 
Pileser  III.  98.  Parties  in  Israel.  99.  Rebellion  against 
Assyria.  100.  Subjugation  of  Palestine  by  Tiglath-Pileser. 
101.  Intrigues  of  Egypt.  102.  Kevolt  of  Hoshea  and  the 
final  fall  of  Samaria. 

YIII 

THE  ROLE  OF  ISRAEL  IN  THE   WORLD'S  HISTORY 

Sections  103-108.    Pages  105-110. 

Section  103.  The  deportation  of  the  Israelites.  104.  Tate  of 
the  exiles.  105.  Introduction  of  foreign  colonists  into 
Samaria.  106.  Their  religious  faith.  107.  Israel's  literary 
products.     108.  Its  religious  contributions. 


PART    III 
THE  ASSYRIAN  PERIOD  OF  JUDAH'S   HISTORY 

I 

THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES  AND  CHRONOLOGY 

Sections  109-115.    Pages  113-119. 

Section  109.  The  analysis  of  II.  Kings  xi.-xxi.  110.  Date 
of  Isaiah's  prophecies.  111.  Micah's  sermons.  112.  Con- 
temporary Assyrian  inscriptions.  113.  Chronology  of  the 
period.  114.  Date  of  Hezekiah's  accession.  115.  Data 
suggesting  the  year  725  b.  c. 


XIV  CONTENTS 


n 


FROM   ATHALIAH   TO  AHAZ 

Sections  116-125.    Pages  120-126. 

Section  116.  The  revolution  led  by  Jehoiada.  117.  Rejection 
of  Baalism.  118.  Repair  of  the  Temple.  119.  Invasion  of 
Hazael.  120.  Accession  of  Amaziah.  121.  Conquests  in 
Edom.  122.  Judah's  humiliation  by  Israel.  123.  Character 
of  Azariah  (Uzziah).  121.  His  foreign  and  home  policy, 
125.   His  war  against  Tiglath-Pileser  III. 


Ill 

THE  CRISIS  OF   734  B.C. 

Sections  126-134.    Pages  127-133. 

Section  126.  The  invasion  of  the  Israelites  and  Arameans. 
127.  Character  of  Ahaz.  128.  The  youthful  Isaiah.  129. 
His  call  to  be  a  prophet.  130.  His  words  of  encouragement 
to  Ahaz.  131.  The  mysterious  sign.  132.  Isaiah's  political 
insight.  133.  His  appeal  to  the  people.  134.  Submission 
of  Ahaz  to  Assyi'ia. 

IV 

SOCIETY  AND  RELIGION  IN  JUDAH 

Sections  135-143,    Pages  134-140. 

Section  135.  The  new  influences  in  the  life  of  Judah.  136. 
Social  sermons  of  the  prophets.  137.  Oppression  of  the  poor 
by  the  rich.  138,  Results  of  intemperance.  139.  Corruption 
of  the  rulers.  140.  Earlier  conceptions  of  Jehovah.  141. 
Popular  superstitions.  142.  False  religious  leaders.  143. 
Debasing  ceremonials. 


CONTENTS  XV 


THE  GREAT  INVASION  OF  SENNACHERIB 

Sections  144-153.    Pages  141-150. 

Section  144.  The  reign  of  Hezekiah.  145.  Sargon's  invasion 
of  Palestine  in  711  b.  c.  146.  Significance  of  the  embassy 
of  Merodach-Baladan.  147.  Rebellion  in  Palestine.  148. 
Advance  of  Sennacherib.  149.  Isaiah's  predictions  of  As- 
syi'ia's  overthrow.  150.  Conquest  of  Judah.  151.  Surrender 
of  Jerusalem.  152.  Isaiah's  activity  at  the  great  crisis. 
153.   Sennacherib's  sudden  retreat. 


VI 

THE  WORK  AND  TEACHINGS   OF  ISAIAH 

Sections  154-163.    Pages  151-158. 

Section  154.  The  greatness  of  Isaiah.  155.  His  conception  of 
Jehovah's  holiness.  156.  His  Messianic  ideals.  157.  His 
predictions  concerning  the  Messianic  king.  158.  The  coming 
Messianic  kingdom.  159.  The  unfolding  of  the  divine  plan. 
160.  Growth  of  a  prophetic  party.  161.  Doctrine  of  the 
"faithful  remnant."  162.  Reformation  of  Hezekiah.  163. 
The  fruits  of  Isaiah's  work. 

YII 

THE  REACTIONARY  REIGN  OF  MANASSEH 

Sections  164-169.    Pages  159-164. 

Section  164.  The  causes  of  the  religious  reaction.  165. 
Triumph  of  the  anti-prophetical  party.  166.  Introduction 
of  foreign  religions.  167.  Work  of  Isaiah's  disciples.  168. 
Editing  of  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy.  169.  Religious  sig- 
nificance of  the  period. 


xvi  CONTENTS 

PART  IV 

THE  BABYLONIAI^  PERIOD  OF  JUDAH'S  HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES 

Sections  170-176.    Pages  167-171. 

Section  170.  The  analysis  of  11.  Kings  xxii.-xxv.  171.  The 
Book  of  Deuteronomy.  172.  Prophecies  of  Zephaniah, 
Nahum,  and  Habakkuk.  173.  Jeremiah's  earlier  sermons. 
174.  His  later  prophecies.  175.  Ezekiel's  earlier  writings. 
176.  Babylonian  and  Greek  records. 

II 

THE  GREAT  REFORMATION  UNDER  JOSIAH 

Sections  177-188.    Pages  172-182. 

Section  177.  The  forerunners  of  the  reformation.  178.  Ad- 
vance of  the  Scythians,  179.  Zephaniah's  reform  sermons. 
180.  Call  and  character  of  Jeremiah.  181.  Text  of  his 
earliest  prophecies.  182.  Finding  of  the  book  of  the  law. 
183.  Institution  of  reform  measures.  184.  Historical  sig- 
nificance of  the  reformation.  185.  The  chief  enactments  of 
Deuteronomy.  186.  Beginning  of  the  rule  of  the  wi'itten 
law.  187.  Literary  activity  following  the  reformation.  188. 
Editing  of  earlier  prophetical  and  wisdom  books. 

Ill 

JUDAH  AND  THE  NEW  WORLD  POWERS 

Sections  189-196.     Pages  183-189. 

Section  189.  The  fall  of  Assyria.  190.  Advance  of  Necho 
and  death  of  Josiah.  191.  The  short  reign  of  Jehoahaz. 
192.  Religious  reaction  under  Jehoiakim.  193.  Protests  of 
Jeremiah.  194.  Persecutions  of  the  true  Jehovah  .prophets. 
195.  Supremacy  of  the  Chaldeans.  196.  Counsels  of  Habak- 
kuk and  Jeremiah. 


CONTENTS  xvii 


IV 


JEREMIAH  AND  THE  FALL  OF  JERUSALEM 

Sections  197-206.    Pages  190-198. 

Section  197.  The  reception  of  Jeremiah's  message.  198.  His 
political  policy.  199.  His  unflinching  loyalty.  200.  The 
first  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  201.  Inefficiency  of  Zedekiah. 
202.  Reappearance  of  old  heathen  forms.  203.  Influence  of 
the  false  prophets.  204.  Revolt  against  Babylon.  205. 
Jeremiah's  experiences  during  the  siege  of  the  city.  206. 
Final  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 


V 

THE  LAST  CHAPTER  OF  JUDAH'S  HISTORY 

Sections  207-212.    Pages  199-204. 

Section  207.  The  Jewish  colony  at  Mizpah.  208.  Murder  of 
Gedaliah.  209.  Fortunes  of  the  exiles.  210.  Unique  work 
and  character  of  the  Hebrew  prophets.  211.  Their  con- 
stantly developing  religious  ideals.  212.  Fulfilment  of  the 
prophetic  revelation  in  Christianity. 

Appendix 207-218 


LIST   OF  MAPS  AND   CHART 

Chronological  Chart Frontispiece 

The  Two  Hebrew  Kingdoms    .....     to  face  page  26 
The  Assyrian  Empire to  face  page  100 


PART  I 

THE   PRE-ASSYRIAN  PERIOD  OF 
HEBREW   HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL   SOURCES   FOR  THE   PERIOD 

1.  The  glories  of  the  united  Hebrew  kingdom  at- 
tracted and  held  the  attention  of  succeeding  genera- 
tions so  effectually  that  the  later  prophets  and  priests 
whose  writings  are  preserved  in  the  Old  Testament 
were  impelled  to  draw  copiously  from  the  rich  records 
which  had  been  handed  down  from  that  earlier  age. 
A  period  of  decline,  however,  such  as  that  which  im- 
mediately followed  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  did 
not  call  forth  the  activity  of  the  patriotic  historian; 
neither  were  the  events  themselves  of  a  character  to 
appeal  to  religious  teachers  seeking  for  appropriate 
historical  illustrations  ;  consequently,  our  data  respect- 
ing the  Pre-Assyrian  period  of  Hebrew  history  are  at 
many  points  exceedingly  incomplete. 

2.  The  oldest  and  most  authentic  records  are  con- 
tained in  I.  Kings  xii.-II.  Kings  iii.  An  examination 
of  these  chapters  quickly  demonstrates  that,  like  the 
Books  of  Judges,  Samuel,  and  I.  Kings  i.-xi.,  of  which 
they  are  the  continuation,  they  are  compilations.  As 
in  the  Book  of  Judges  (I.  sect.  32),  the  work  of  the 
editor  or  compiler  is  most  apparent  in  the  recurring 
formulas  which  constitute  the  framcAVork  into  which 
the  citations  from  the  older  sources  are  fitted.     The 

3 


4  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

introductory  formula  in  the  case  of  the  kings  of  Israel 
indicates  the  synchronism  with  the  kingdom  of  Judah, 
and  the  length  of  the  reigns  of  each  king.  In  the 
case  of  the  kings  of  Judah,  the  name  of  the  queen- 
mother  is  also  added,  and  frequently  the  age  of  the 
king  at  his  accession.  The  closing  formula  consists 
of  a  reference  to  the  liistorical  source  for  the  reign 
and  to  the  death  of  the  king,  and  usually  gives  the 
name  of  his  successor.  In  the  case  of  the  kings  of 
Judah,  the  words  "  was  buried  with  his  fathers  "  are 
added.  The  compiler's  formula  includes  the  stere- 
otyped judgment  upon  each  king.  Even  Zimri,  who 
overthrew  the  house  of  Baasha  and  reigned  in  Tirzah 
but  seven  days,  is  condemned,  as  are  all  the  kings  of 
Israel  who  succeeded  its  founder,  for  "doing  that 
which  was  evil  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  in  walking 
in  the  way  of  Jeroboam,  and  in  his  sin  which  he  did, 
to  make  Israel  to  sin."  A  study  of  their  recorded 
deeds  indicates  that  the  compiler  commends  or  con- 
demns them,  not  because  of  their  ability  or  inefficiency 
as  rulers,  but  according  to  their  attitude  toward  the 
religion  of  Jehovah,  and  especially  toward  its  cere- 
monial observances.  His  standard  naturally  was  that 
of  the  later  age  in  which  he  lived.  The  two  kings 
who  are  accredited  with  "  doing  right  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Lord"  are  Asa  and  Jehoshaphat,  who  instituted 
movements  toward  the  reform  of  the  reli odious  cult. 

3.  These  and  kindred  facts  demonstrate  conclusively 
that  the  interests  of  the  editor  of  the  Book  of  Kings 
were  religious  rather  than  political.  This  in  turn  ex- 
plains why  so  many  events  of  transcendent  importance 
to  the  modern  historian  were  either  ignored  or  re- 
ceived only  a  passing  notice.     Fifteen  times  he  refers 


THE  ORIGINAL  SOURCES  OF  "KINGS"  5 

the  reader  for  information  respecting  the  acts  of  the  dif- 
ferent reigns  to  the  ^'Book  of  the  Chronicles  of  the 
Kings  of  Judah,"  and  seventeen  times  to  the  corre- 
sponding Clironicles  of  Israel.  These  references  — 
exceedingly  tantalizing  since  there  is  no  hope  that  the 
Chronicles  can  ever  be  recovered  —  suggest  the  sources 
from  which  he  gained  a  part  of  his  facts.  Even  though 
he  lived  after  the  final  capture  of  Jerusalem,  in  586 
B.  c,  with  Avhich  the  narrative  in  Kings  ends,  it  is  not 
incredible  that  certain  state  annals  were  still  acces- 
sible to  him.  The  office  of  recorder,  established  under 
David  (I.  Kings  iv.  3),  is  good  evidence  that  some  such 
memoranda  of  events  were  kept.  The  frequent  change 
of  rulers,  especially  in  Israel,  was,  however,  unfavor- 
able for  the  preservation  of  a  connected  record.  It  is 
more  probable  that  the  Chronicles  (literally,  "  words  of 
days  ")  referred  to  were  two  independent,  continuous 
narratives,  based  upon  the  official  annals  of  the  two 
kingdoms. 

4.  Chapter  xii.  1-31  contains  the  account  of  the 
division  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  establishing  of  Jero- 
boam as  king  over  Israel.  The  original  source  was 
probably  the  "  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel,"  since 
the  interest  is  with  the  north.  In  verses  26-31,  the 
work  of  the  compiler,  who  was  strongly  influenced  by 
the  ideas  of  the  age  of  Josiah  (sect.  188),  is  appar- 
ent. The  language  and  representation  of  section  xii. 
32-xiii.  32,  which  tells  of  the  mission  of  the  unknown 
Judean  man  of  God  to  the  royal  sanctuary  at  Bethel, 
indicate  that  it  is  a  very  late  prophetic  tradition,  pos- 
sibly inserted  after  the  work  of  the  compiler  was  com- 
pleted. It  has  been  suggested,  not  without  reason, 
that  it  had  its  historical  basis  in  the  denunciatory  mis- 


6  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

sion  of  the  Judean  prophet  Amos,  to  the  royal  sanc- 
tuary at  Bethel,  when  another  Jeroboam  sat  on  the 
throne  of  Israel  (sects.  79,  80).  Verses  33  and  34  of 
chapter  xiii.  continue  the  thought  of  xii.  31,  in  the 
language  of  the  editor.  Chapter  xiv.  1-18  consists  of 
an  ancient  prophetic  narrative,  worked  over  in  places 
by  the  same  hand.  The  remainder  of  this  chapter, 
and  the  two  following,  contain  a  series  of  short  cln-ono- 
logical  and  political  notices  cast  in  the  framework  of 
the  compiler,  broken  only  by  the  brief  prophecy  of 
Jehu  against  Baasha  in  xvi.  1-4. 

5.  The  political  notices  are  again  interrupted  by  the 
insertion  of  chapters  xvii.-xix.  The  thought  and 
style  of  this  section  indicate  that  it  is  all  from  one 
source,  which  must  have  been  an  old  prophetic  history 
of  the  deeds  of  Elijah,  based  upon  the  stories  current 
among  the  later  prophets.  Here  the  compiler  has 
transcribed  liis  material  with  few,  if  any,  alterations. 
The  abruptness  of  the  beginning  suggests  that  the  ori- 
ginal narrative  was  provided  with  an  introduction, 
which  he  for  some  reason  omitted.  Chapter  xxi. 
continues  the  Elijah  history.  In  chapter  xx.,  wliich 
breaks  the  continuity  of  the  record,  the  interest  is 
political,  although  in  verses  35-43  the  sons  of  the 
prophets  are  the  central  figures.  It  is  evident  that 
here,  and  in  xxii.  1-38,  the  original  source  w^as  Israel- 
itish,  and  was  also  probably  the  prophetic  records. 
The  remainder  of  chapter  xxii.  consists  of  political 
notices  incorporated  in  the  regular  framework  of  the 
compiler.  The  same  are  continued  in  II.  Kings  i.  17^ 
18.  Between  verses  1  and  17^,  however,  is  inserted  a 
narrative  concerning  Elijah.  Whether  this  is  from  the 
same  source  as  the  other  Elijah  stories  or  from  a  later 


HISTORICAL  VALUE  OF  "KINGS"  7 

age,  is  uncertain.  Chapter  ii.  concludes  the  history 
of  Elijah,  and  introduces  that  of  Elisha.  In  iii.  1-3 
the  familiar  formula  of  the  compiler  reappears,  while 
the  remainder  of  the  chapter,  like  I.  Kings  xx.  and 
xxii.,  is  in  part  political  and  in  part  prophetical,  and 
was  evidently  drawn  from  an  Israeli tish  source.  The 
political  notices  of  chapter  viii.  16-29  conclude  the 
treatment  of  this  period. 

6.  This  general  analysis  demonstrates  that  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Kings  require  careful  study  and  adjust- 
ment by  the  historian.  The  testimony  of  the  later 
traditions  must  be  weighed  in  the  light  of  their  dis- 
tance from  the  events  of  which  they  treat,  and  of  the 
influences  to  which  they  have  been  subjected.  The 
date  and  point  of  view  of  the  compiler  also  must  be 
constantly  borne  in  mind.  It  may,  however,  be  justly 
said  that  although  the  Books  of  Kings  leave  us  igno- 
rant of  many  important  facts,  they  are,  nevertheless, 
an  exceedingly  authentic  historical  source,  since  they 
are  for  the  most  part  based  upon  records  almost,  if  not 
quite,  contemporary  with  the  events  recorded;  and 
tlirough  them  we  are  able  to  gain  a  remarkably  clear 
conception  of  the  essential  movements  of  the  period 
with  which  they  are  concerned. 

7.  While  the  second  Book  of  Chronicles  treats  of 
the  same  epochs,  its  historical  contributions  are  much 
inferior  to  those  of  the  Books  of  Kings.  In  many  pas- 
sages the  text  is  practically  the  same  in  each,  indi- 
cating that  the  chronicler  transferred  bodily  many 
sections  from  the  older  history.  Consequently  the 
Book  of  Chronicles  is  also  a  compilation  ;  but  only  in 
a  limited  sense,  for  a  study  of  the  language  and  char- 
acteristics of  the  other  parts  of  the  book  soon  reveals 


8  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

the  fact  that  they  are  not  citations  from  different 
sources,  but  are  all  from  the  same  author,  or,  at  least, 
from  the  same  age  and  written  from  the  same  point  of 
view. 

8.  His  peculiarities  are  clearly  marked.  His  use  of 
words  and  constructions  indicates  that  the  Hebrew 
language  was  already  beginning  to  decay.  With  the 
exception  of  one  or  two  short  notices,  he  completely 
ignores  the  history  of  Israel.  He  conceives  of  Judah 
as  a  religious  state,  very  similar  to  the  post-exilic 
hierarchy.  He  represents  a  ritual  and  institutions  un- 
known to  the  pre-exilic  historians,  as  already  devel- 
oped. Prophets  are  frequently  introduced  whose  words 
and  acts  suggest  no  kinship  with  Elijah  or  Amos,  but 
who  are  closely  related  to  the  legal  prophets  of  the 
restored  Jewish  community.  The  evidence  soon  be- 
comes conclusive  that  the  author  of  Chronicles  not 
only  wrote  long  after  the  exile  (the  beginning  of  the 
Greek  period,  about  330  b.  c,  being  the  date  usually 
assigned  to  him),  but  he  also  repeatedly  read  the  ideas 
current  in  his  age  into  the  earlier  days. 

9.  Two  distinct  strands,  therefore,  run  tlu^ough  the 
book :  the  first  consists  of  the  citations  from  the  Book 
of  Kings  ;  the  second,  of  the  writings  of  the  chronicler 
himself.  Although  he  has  endeavored  to  reconcile  them 
by  omissions  and  expansions,  the  variations  resulting 
from  the  two  widely  different  points  of  view  reflected 
therein  are  frequently  apparent.  The  didactic  aim  of 
the  chronicler  is  also  very  evident.  National  misfor- 
tune and  prosperit}^  are  always  attributed  directly  to 
right  or  wrong  doing  on  the  part  of  king  or  people. 
The  attentive  reader  soon  recognizes  that  the  author 
has  constantly  in  mind  the  Jews  of  his  own  day,  whom 


THE  SOURCES  OF  "CHRONICLES"  9 

lie  was  endeavoring  in  this  manner  to  influence.  The 
purpose  which  always  dominated  him,  even  more  than 
the  author  of  Kings,  was  to  teach  ethical  and  religious 
truth.  With  him  the  mere  recording  of  historical  facts 
was  entirely  secondary.  If  the  systematic  exaggera- 
tion of  numbers  wliich  is  found  throughout  the  book 
is  his  work,  it  is  the  result,  not  of  a  deliberate  effort  to 
pervert  the  truth,  but  rather  to  make  his  illustrations 
the  more  impressive. 

10.  This  preliminary  study  makes  it  possible  to 
estimate  approximately  the  historical  value  of  the 
book.  Since  the  citations  from  Kings  only  repeat 
what  is  known,  additional  information,  if  any,  must 
be  sought  for  in  those  parts  of  the  book  peculiar  to 
the  chronicler.  Living  as  he  did,  centuries  after  the 
events  recorded,  the  important  question  is,  what  were 
the  sources,  other  than  Kings,  from  which  he  drew 
his  facts  ?  He  refers  to  (1)  "  The  Book  of  the  Kings 
of  Judah  and  Israel"  (II.  Chron.  xvi.  11,  xxv.  26, 
xxviii.  26) ;  (2)  "  The  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and 
Judah  "  (II.  Chron.  xxvii.  7,  xxxv.  27,  xxxvi.  8) ;  and 
(3)  "  The  Acts  of  the  Kings  of  Israel "  (II.  Chron. 
xxxiii.  18).  These,  probably,  are  to  be  identified  as 
variations  of  the  same  title.  In  several  cases  facts  not 
found  in  the  canonical  Book  of  Kings  are  cited  from 
this  "  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,"  which 
is  conclusive  proof  that  they  are  not  the  same.  It 
cannot  be  identified  with  the  authorities  referred  to  in 
the  Book  of  Kings,  since  they  were  two  independent 
works  (sect.  3),  treating  the  history  of  each  kingdom 
separately.  Beference  is  made  in  II.  Chi'onicles  xxiv. 
27  to  "  The  Midrash  of  the  Book  of  Kings."  Midrash 
(translated  "  commentary ")  is  a  late  Hebrew  designa- 


10  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

tion  for  a  treatise  containing  moral  or  religious  teach- 
ing derived  from  some  scriptural  narrative  or  history. 
It  is  not  impossible  that  this  was  still  another  title  for 
"  The  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah."  If  so, 
the  chief  authority  of  the  clii'onicler  was  a  post-exilic 
work,  based  upon  the  earlier  traditions  of  the  nation's 
history,  written,  like  the  Book  of  Chronicles,  with  the 
aim  of  deriving  therefrom  practical  lessons  for  imme- 
diate application.  The  ''  words  "  of  certain  prophets 
and  seers  to  which  the  chronicle  refers  may  have  been 
independent  monographs,  although  the  context  sug- 
gests that  they  were  only  titles  of  certain  sections  of 
the  greater  work.  Another  source  is  called  "  The 
Midrash  of  the  Prophet  Iddo"  (II.  Chron.  xiii.  22), 
suggesting  that  its  character  likewise  was  didactic 
rather  than  liistorical. 

11.  In  the  light  of  these  facts  there  is  no  absolute 
proof  that  the  chronicler  had  access  to  ancient  sources 
equal  or  superior  to  those  cited  by  the  compiler  of 
Kings.  On  the  other  hand,  the  representation  of  the 
chronicler  is  clear  evidence  that  he  drew  his  historical 
illustrations  largely  from  current  tradition.  In  many 
cases  these  differ  radically  from  the  testimony  of  the 
Book  of  Kings ;  for  example,  according  to  I.  Kings  xv. 
1-4,  Abijam,  the  successor  of  Rehoboam,  "  walked  in 
all  the  sins  of  his  father,  which  he  had  done  before 
him ;  and  his  heart  was  not  perfect  v\dth  the  Lord,  his 
God,"  while  the  chronicler  represents  him  (II.  Chron. 
xiii.  1-22)  as  valiantly  championing  the  cause  of 
Jehovah,  and  winning  a  great  victory  over  Jeroboam 
of  Israel.  This  idealization  of  the  history,  in  accord- 
ance with  certain  presuppositions  current  in  the  later 
days  of  the  Jewish  state,  or  as  the  result  of  long  oral 


EGYPTIAN  AND  MOABITE  INSCRIPTIONS  11 

transmission,  runs  through  the  entire  book,  and,  of 
course,  in  many  cases  obscures  the  original  kernel  of 
liistorical  fact.  At  the  same  time  it  cannot  be  doubted 
that  certain  details  of  the  history  have  been  preserved  in 
this  manner.  When,  however,  the  testimony  of  Kings 
and  Chronicles  differs,  it  is  obvious  that  that  of  the  older 
book  is  to  be  followed.  Supplemental  information 
contained  in  the  Book  of  Chronicles  must  also  be  care- 
fully weighed  in  the  light  of  the  tendencies  of  the 
author  before  being  used. 

12.  Among  the  extra-biblical  sources  are  the  Phceni- 
cian  inscriptions,  which  furnish  valuable  information 
respecting  the  religion  of  these  neighbors  of  Israel. 
Later  Hebrew  and  Greek  writings  have  also  preserved 
a  few  stray  facts.  The  long  inscription  of  Shishak  I., 
inscribed  in  Egyptian  hieroglyphics  on  the  walls  of 
the  temple  at  Karnak,  tells  of  his  invasion  of  Palestine. 
The  most  valuable  document,  outside  of  the  Bible,  is 
the  famous  Moabite  stone  found  east  of  the  Jordan, 
and  now  preserved  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris.  This  in- 
scription consists  of  thirty-three  lines,  written  in  the 
so-called  Phoenician  script,  on  a  monument  of  black 
basalt,  reared  by  the  Moabite  king,  Mesha,  mentioned 
in  II.  Kings  iii.  4,  in  commemoration  of  his  victories 
over  the  Israelites.  It  refers  to  the  conquest  of  Moab 
by  Omri,  and  gives  the  details  of  the  war  with  the 
Israelites,  marvellously  supplementing  the  biblical 
records. 


II 

THE   CHEONOLOGY   OF  THE  TWO   KINGDOMS 

13.  Hebrew  chronology  presents  a  most  difficult 
and  perplexing  problem.  The  biblical  data  respecting 
the  chronology  of  the  two  kingdoms  are  of  two  kinds  : 
(1)  the  length  of  each  reign  is  given ;  (2)  at  the  acces- 
sion of  each  king  the  corresponding  year  of  the  reign  of 
his  contemporary  in  the  other  kingdom  is  stated.  Ad- 
dition of  the  years  assigned  to  the  kings  of  Israel  and 
of  Judah  during  a  given  period  at  once  reveals  differ- 
ences which  indicate  that  the  first  group  of  data  is 
not  exact.  A  comparison  of  the  second,  the  synchro- 
nisms, with  each  other  and  with  the  lengths  assigned 
to  the  different  reigns,  also  discloses  wide  variations. 
These  facts  are  not  so  surprising  when  it  is  noted 
that  the  chronological  data  belong,  not  to  the  citations 
from  the  older  sources,  but  are  from  the  hand  of  the 
compiler,  who  lived  about  the  time  of  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  in  586  B.  c,  and  was  therefore  entirely 
dependent  either  upon  earlier  records  or  traditions  for 
his  information,  or  else,  when  these  were  wanting,  was 
obliged  to  estimate  as  best  he  could.  In  the  age  of 
Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  it  had  become  the  custom  to 
reckon  time  by  the  year  of  the  reigning  monarch,  so 
that  in  the  writings  of  these  prophets  he  could  find 

12 


DIFFERENT  CHRONOLOGICAL  SYSTEMS  13 

data  from  which  to  determine  the  length  of  each  reign ; 
but  in  the  earlier  periods  there  appears  to  have  been 
no  regular  system  of  chronology,  and  no  definite  point 
from  which  to  reckon.  The  older  documents  contain 
almost  no  chronological  notices.  Amos,  the  most  ex- 
act of  the  earlier  prophets,  states  that  he  delivered 
his  prophecy  "  two  years  before  the  earthquake." 
Zechariah  (xiv.  5)  refers  to  the  same  great  earthquake, 
which  occurred  during  the  reign  of  Uzziah  of  Judah ; 
but  succeeding  generations  soon  forgot  its  exact  date, 
so  that  the  reference  is  now  valueless. 

14.  The  data  upon  which  the  compiler  of  Kings 
based  his  statements  must  have  been  exceedingly  in- 
complete. "  The  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and 
of  Judah"  may  have  given  him  the  length  of  the  reigns 
of  certain  kings,  although  the  character  of  his  system 
suggests  that  he  was  almost  entirely  dependent  upon 
general  tradition  or  his  own  estimates.  A  careful  ex- 
amination of  the  series  of  synchronisms  confirms  the 
conclusion  that  they  were  added  by  a  still  later  editor, 
who  was  endeavoring  to  harmonize  the  differences  in 
the  chronology  of  the  two  kingdoms.  A  great  variety 
of  devices  has  been  adopted  by  later  biblical  clu-onolo- 
gists,  with  a  view  to  ex^Dlaining  the  discrepancies. 
That  of  Bishop  Ussher,  the  one  introduced  in  the 
margin  of  the  Authorized  Version,  has  in  the  past 
received  the  widest  acceptance.  The  testimony  of  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions,  however,  has  demonstrated  that 
his  system  can  no  longer  be  accepted  as  even  approxi- 
mately correct. 

15.  That  v/hich  overtlirows,  at  the  same  time  fur- 
nishes the  basis  for  a  more  satisfactory  reconstruction. 
Fortunately  the  Assyrians,  like  the  Greeks,  designated 


14  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

each  year  by  the  name  of  a  certain  officer.  Not  one, 
but  many  duplicate  copies  of  these  eponym  lists  have 
been  found  which  mutually  corroborate  each  other, 
and  establish  beyond  question  the  exactness  of  the 
Assyrian  chronological  system.  This  is  in  turn  car- 
ried down  to  later  times  by  the  Ptolemaic.  Astro- 
nomical calculations  have  confirmed  the  testimony  of 
these  two  systems  respecting  the  month,  as  well  as  the 
year,  when  a  certain  great  eclipse  occulted.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  spirit  of  exactness,  not  only  the  length 
of  the  reigns  of  the  kings,  but  also  the  events  of  each 
year,  are  clearly  stated  in  the  Assyrian  annals  and  his- 
torical inscriptions.  Consequently,  when  Hebrew  and 
Assyrian  history  touch,  an  exact  standard  is  provided 
for  confirming  or  correcting  the  biblical  data. 

16.  At  two  points  the  history  of  Judah  and  Israel 
absolutely  synchronizes ;  namely,  at  the  division,  and 
when  Jehu  slew  the  rulers  of  both  the  kingdoms  (sect. 
64).  The  inscription  of  Shalmaneser  II.  states  that 
Jehu  paid  tribute  to  Assyria  in  842  b.  c.  Since  there 
is  no  evidence  that  his  territory  was  invaded,  it  is  prob- 
able that  his  object  in  so  doing  was  to  establish  his 
position  on  the  throne  of  Israel;  indeed,  it  would 
have  been  in  perfect  accord  with  the  policy  of  Assyria 
if  it  had  originally  had  a  part  in  instigating  the  revo- 
lution. However  that  may  be,  842  b.  c.  may  be  as- 
signed as  its  date.  Addition  of  the  years  attributed, 
respectively,  to  the  kings  who  reigned  between  these 
two  common  dates,  gives  a  total  of  ninety-five  for 
Judah,  and  ninety-eight  for  Israel,  which  represents  a 
difference  of  three  years.  The  error  should  probably 
be  assigned  to  Israel. 

17.  On  an  inscription  of  Shalmaneser  II.,  Ahab  of 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  EARLIER  PERIOD  15 

Israel  is  mentioned  among  the  allied  kings  who  fought 
at  Karkar  in  854  B.  c.  (sect.  42).  The  battle  of 
Ramoth-Gilead,  at  wliich  Ahab  met  his  death  (sect. 
43),  was  necessarily  later,  probably  in  the  succeeding 
year,  853  B.  c,  eleven  years  before  the  revolution  of 
Jehu.  The  biblical  liistorian,  however,  assigns  two 
years  to  Ahaziah,  and  twelve  to  Jehoram,  the  two 
kings  who  reigned  between  Ahab  and  Jehu.  Aha- 
ziah's  fatal  accident,  recorded  in  II.  Kings  i.  2,  prob- 
ably came  about  the  time  of  his  accession.  His  brother 
.Jehoram  naturally  became  regent;  in  which  case  the 
two  years  of  his  regentship  before  Ahaziah's  death 
would  be  counted  twice.  Since  Ahab  was  living  in 
854,  the  duration  of  Jehoram's  reign  must  have  been 
eleven  instead  of  twelve  years.  With  these  changes^ 
the  chronology  of  Judah  and  Israel  is  brought  into 
agreement.  According  to  this  reckoning,  the  division 
of  the  Hebrew  empire  took  place  in  937  B.  c,  a  date 
confirmed  by  the  Egyptian  monuments,  since  it  falls 
within  the  reign  of  Shishak  I.,  who  received  the  refu- 
gee Jeroboam,  and  later  invaded  Palestine  (sect.  35). 
These  results,  together  with  the  contemporary  chronol- 
ogy of  Egypt,  Damascus,  and  Assyria,  are  presented 
in  the  chronological  chart  at  the  beginning  of  this 
volume. 


Ill 

THE  DIVISION  OF  THE  HEBEEW  KINGDOM 

18.  Within  a  single  century  the  barbarous  Hebrew 
peasants  had  been  organized  into  a  powerful  empire 
which  dominated  the  Canaanitish  world.  Still  greater 
political  influence  and  prosperity  seemed  to  await 
them,  when  suddenly  the  empire  was  divided,  and 
a  few  centuries  later  the  two  kingdoms,  mutually 
weakened,  fell  an  easy  prey  to  foreign  conquerors. 
What  were  the  causes  of  tliis  fatal  act  of  division,  so 
weighted  with  far-reaching  consequences?  A  casual 
reader  of  Old  Testament  history  might  at  once  reply 
that  it  was  due  to  the  unwise  course  followed  by 
Solomon's  successor  in  his  treatment  of  the  northern 
tribes.  This,  however,  would  present  only  the  imme- 
diate cause,  —  the  spark  which  set  off  the  accumulated 
mass  of  tinder.  To  understand  the  real  causes,  it  is 
necessary  to  review  the  preceding  chapters  of  Hebrew 
history. 

19.  When  the  f ragmen taiy  records  of  the  Book 
of  Judges  at  times  turned  the  flash-light  upon  the 
Hebrew  tribes  contending  for  the  possession  of  the 
soil  of  Canaan,  or  absorbing  and  assimilating  the  origi- 
nal inhabitants  of  the  land,  we  found  the  Israelites, 
in  the  north  and  centre,  and  the  Judeans  in  the  south, 
each  lighting  their  own  battle  alone,  and  each  grapjDling 

16 


ISRAEL  AND  JUDAH  17 

with  their  own  individual  problems  (I.  sects.  49,  41). 
Gideon's  kingdom  does  not  appear  to  have  extended 
farther  south  than  the  limits  of  Ephraim.  Nov/here 
is  there  any  indication  (in  the  light  of  the  oldest 
sources)  that  during  the  period  of  the  judges  the  north 
and  south  were  ever  united,  even  temporarily,  to  ward 
off  the  attack  of  a  threatening  enemy.  Furthermore, 
a  strong  line  of  Canaanitish  cities,  of  which  Jebus  was 
the  chief,  extended  across  the  land  of  Canaan  from 
east  to  west,  completely  cutting  off  the  Israelites  of 
the  north  from  their  kinsmen  of  the  south.  The 
Judeans  also  absorbed  an  unusually  large  native 
element,  wliich  undoubtedly  tended  to  neutralize  the 
mutual  attraction  of  common  blood  and  religion. 
Thus  the  circumstances  and  events  of  their  early 
history  all  tended  to  foster  the  spirit  of  independence 
rather  than  of  union.  The  frequent  recurrence,  side 
by  side,  in  the  earlier  as  well  as  in  the  later  narratives 
of  Samuel  and  Kings,  of  the  two  names  Israel  and 
Judah  as  designations  of  the  north  and  south,  respec- 
tively, indicates  that  this  distinction  was  constantly 
maintained,  even  during  the  period  of  the  united 
kingdom  (I.  Sam.  xi.  8;  xvii.  52;  II.  Sam.  xi.  11; 
xii.  8 ;  xxi.  2 ;  I.  Kings  i.  35  ;  iv.  20,  25).  In  the 
oldest  sections  in  Judges  the  same  distinctions  are 
observed  (i.  2,  4,  8,  28 ;  v.  2,  3,  5,  7,  8,  9,  11,  etc.). 
Not  until  after  the  fall  of  the  northern  kingdom  does 
Israel,  as  a  general  nam.e,  appear  to  have  been  also 
applied  to  Judah.  This  looser  usage  is  most  common 
in  Chronicles.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  noted 
that  the  tribes  in  the  north  after  the  division  were 
assuming   no  new  title   when   they   designated   their 

kingdom  as  Israel. 

2 


18  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREV/  PEOPLE 

20.  Under  the  stress  of  a  common  and  threatening 
danger  (subjection  to  the  Philistine  yoke),  all  the 
tribes  were  diiven  for  a  brief  period  to  unite  about 
the  standard  of  the  Benjaminite  Saul.  If  the  support 
of  the  Judeans  was  at  hrst  strong  alid  hearty,  it  was 
gradually  withdrawn  when  their  kinsman  and  popular 
champion,  David,  was  hunted  from  the  coiu't  of  their 
suspicious  king.  Although  they  did  not  openly  revolt, 
the  readiness  with  which  they  proceeded,  after  the 
battle  of  Gilboa,  to  elect  their  favorite  to  the  throne 
of  Judah,  even  though  the  northern  tribes  remained 
faithful  to  the  house  of  Saul,  shows  conclusively  that 
their  support  of  the  Benjaminite  king  was  far  from 
enthusiastic,  and  that  the  feeling  of  jealousy  was  only 
smouldering. 

21.  Throughout  all  early  Hebrew  history  the  north- 
ern tribes,  of  which  Eplu'aim  and  Manasseli  were  the 
acknowledged  leaders,  far  surpassed  Judah  in  influence 
and  resources.  Joshua,  Deborah,  Barak,  Gideon, 
Samuel,  and  Saul,  whose  exploits  were  the  pride  of 
the  race,  all  came  from  the  north ;  but  the  scion  of  the 
house  of  Saul,  whom  the  Israelites  placed  upon  the 
tlirone  after  the  death  of  their  first  king,  proved  a 
weak  reed  to  lean  upon ;  while  from  without  the 
victorious  Philistines  pressed  them  so  severely  that 
their  might  v/as  terribly  broken.  At  last  the  stroke 
of  assassins  cut  down  in  quick  succession  both  their 
general  and  their  king,  so  that  they  were  left  without 
a  leader.  Under  the  pressiu^e  of  this  insistent  danger, 
the  Hebrew  tribes  v/ere  for  the  first  time  in  their 
history  really  miited.  David's  continued  success  in 
war,  and  a  policy  which  favored  the  northern  tribes 
even  more  than  Judah,  preserved  the  union ;  neverthe- 


JEALOUSY  BETWEEN  NOETH  AND   SOUTH  19 

less  during  his  reign  the  ancient,  fierce  rivalry  broke 
forth  and  tlu*eatened  to  sunder  the  state.  In  his 
efforts  to  conciliate  the  northern  tribes  after  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion  of  Absalom,  David  un- 
wittingly stirred  up  the  jealousy  of  the  Judeans. 
Evidently,  while  endeavoring  to  appease  them,  he  in 
turn  incensed  their  old  rivals  of  the  north  ;  for  we 
find  them  in  a  mad  revolt,  v/hich  is  only  put  down 
by  Joab  hj  force  of  arms.  This  incident  is  conclusive 
proof  that  the  old  bitter  feeling  survived,  and  that 
all  the  skill  and  power  of  a  David  was  required 
to  keep  together  the  elements  which  mingled  so 
imperfectly. 

22.  Solomon  took  good  care,  at  the  beginning  of 
his  reign,  to  remove  by  the  sword  all  persons  who 
might  prove  seditious.  Perhaps  he  felt  too  secure 
after  this  act,  since  his  later  policy  is  famous  for  just 
those  mistakes  which  his  father  had  so  carefully 
avoided.  He  succeeded  in  realizing  his  ideal  of 
splendor  and  absolutism;  but  his  success  was  pur- 
chased at  a  terrible  cost.  Although  for  a  time  his 
people  were  dazzled  by  the  display,  erelong  the 
northern  tribes  waked  up  to  the  bitter  realization 
of  the  fact  that  all  this  glitter  was  not  gold,  and  that 
the  just  policy  of  David  no  longer  guided  the  throne. 
Israelitish  interests  were  made  subservient  to  those 
of  the  king  and  of  Judah.  It  was  gall  and  bitterness 
to  the  northerners  to  see  the  wealth  and  power  of 
the  empire  constantly  being  concentrated  in  the 
southern  capital.  Furthermore,  the  Temple  and  all 
the  splendid  palaces  and  strong  fortifications  with 
which  the  city  v/as  beautified  v/ere  built  hy  the  fruits  of 
their  increase  and  by  their  wearisome  toil.     Thus  to 


20  A  HISTORY  OF  THE    HEBREW  PEOPLE 

override  the  rights  of  the  individual  subject  and  to  re- 
duce to  serfdom  a  people  who  a  generation  before  had 
been  free  and  independent,  inevitably  meant  rebellion 
whenever  opportunity  offered.  Many  may  have  been 
the  uprisings.  History  records  only  the  unsuccessful 
one  led  by  Jeroboam  the  Ephraimite. 

23.  In  connection  with  the  account  of  this  rebel- 
lion, there  is  a  suggestive  notice  (I.  Kings  xi.  29-39) 
to  the  effect  that  Jeroboam  was  informed  by  a  prophet, 
Ahijah,  that  he  would  become  king  over  the  ten  tiibes. 
Even  thouo'h  the  narrative  be  late,  it  is  of  value  as 
indicating  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  pro]_)hets  toward 
the  policy  and  reign  of  Solomon.  This  is  further 
confirmed  by  the  reference,  in  I.  Kings  xii.  22-24, 
to  the  action  of  a  certain  man  of  God,  named  Shemaiah. 
When  Kehoboam,  after  the  division,  gathered  together 
his  forces  to  march  against  the  Israelites  to  reduce 
them  to  subjection,  this  man  of  God  appeared  before 
the  king,  and  proclaimed  that  it  was  the  will  of 
Jehovah  that  they  should  not  go  up  and  hght  against 
their  brethren.  The  narrative  also  adds  that  the 
Judeans  listened  to  him  and  desisted  from  their  expe- 
dition. These  references  are  sufficient  to  indicate 
that  the  influence  of  at  least  the  more  zealous  Jehovah- 
prophets  was  thrown  on  the  side  of  the  Israelites,  and 
that  they  favored  rather  than  opposed  the  division. 
The  attitude  of  the  true  prophets  in  subsequent  crises, 
when  conditions  were  similar,  confirms  the  conclusion. 

24.  A  careful  study,  on  the  one  hand,  of  the  reign 
of  Solomon  and  of  the  tendencies  which  were  then 
beginning  to  manifest  themselves,  and,  on  the  other, 
of  the  character  and  ideals  of  these  early  men  of  God, 
reveals  the  cause  of  their  attitude.     Solomon's  policy 


REAL  CAUSES  OF  THE  DIVISION  21 

brought  to  the  Hebrew  nation  the  refining  influences 
and  the  products  of  the  civilization  of  that  ancient 
world.  Tlirough  the  newly  opened  channels  of  con- 
quest and  commerce  it  was  fast  absorbing  the  art  and 
ideas  of  the  surrounding  peoples.  In  a  generation  or 
two  more  it  would  have  been  quite  impossible  to  dis- 
tinguish it  from  its  neighbors.  If  its  character  and 
mission  were  to  be  similar  to  that  of  the  other  nations 
of  the  world,  this  transformation  certainly  represented 
great  progress  ;  but  if  it  had  a  peculiar  mission,  and  if 
that  mission  could  be  performed  only  as  it  preserved  a 
unique  individuality,  this  was  not  an  altogether  prom- 
ising line  of  development.  Also,  according  to  the  fun- 
damental principles  of  a  Semitic  alliance,  Solomon  was 
obliged  to  acknowledge  the  gods  of  the  allied  peoples, 
and  to  tolerate  their  worship  Avithin  t]ie  territory  of 
Israel.  The  crisis  was  more  than  a  political  one ;  it 
was  also  religious.  It  was  Solomon's  policy  of  Orien- 
talism versus  the  pure  worship  of  Jehovah.  The  fu- 
ture of  the  faith  of  humanity  hung  in  the  balances. 
Probably  the  prophets  did  not  fully  appreciate  the 
stupendous  issues  at  stake,  but  they  saw  enough  to 
lead  them  to  act.  Tliey  were  ready  to  welcome  the 
disunion  of  the  tribes  as  the  last  resort,  in  the  hope 
that  thereby  they  might  avert  the  awful  danger  which 
threatened  the  faith  which  they  held  dearer  than 
the  unity  of  their  nation.  Hence,  before  Rehoboam 
mounted  the  throne  of  his  father,  the  circumstances  of 
their  early  history,  the  bitter  jealousy  between  the 
north  and  the  south,  and  the  injustice  and  grinding 
oppression  of  Solomon,  which  had  aroused  the  uncom- 
promising opposition  of  the  prophets  as  well  as  the 
resentment  of  the  proud  tribes  of  the  north,  had  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  division. 


22  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

25.  A  king  with  the  commanding  prestige  and  tact 
of  David  miglit  have  averted  the  catastrophe  for  a 
time.  But  Rehoboam,  reared  in  the  luxurious  Orien- 
tal court  of  Solomon,  possessed  neither  of  these  quali- 
ties. The  laws  also  which  determined  the  right  of 
succession  in  Israel  evidently  had  not  as  yet  been  defi- 
nitely established.  Saul  and  David  had  been  chosen  by 
the  nation  to  be  their  leaders  and  counsellors.  Solomon 
had  been  nominated  as  Ms  successor  by  the  aged  David, 
and  this  had  been  publicly  ratified  —  at  least,  by  the 
citizens  of  Jerusalem.  Hence  it  appears  that  the  Hebrew 
people  had  thus  far  had  an  important  voice  in  the  elec- 
tion of  their  king,  although  the  tendency  to  regard  the 
office  as  hereditary  was  beginning  to  manifest  itself. 
The  northern  tribes,  discontented  with  the  heavy  bur- 
dens and  unjust  partiality  of  Solomon's  rule,  had  good 
precedents  as  well  as  reasons  for  refusing  to  accept 
Solomon's  son  as  their  king  until  they  were  given 
certain  assurances  that  these  evils  would  be  abated. 
Accordingly  they  m^eet  at  the  old  northern  capital,  She- 
chem,  whither  Rehoboam,  apparently  attended  by  only 
a  small  force,  goes  to  confer  with  them.  The  demand 
which  they  make  is  reasonable  :  "  Lighten  the  griev- 
ous burdens  which  your  father  laid  upon  us."  It  is 
probable  that  if  the  king  had  yielded,  the  dismember- 
ment of  the  empire  might  even  then  have  been  averted. 
Ostensibly  he  acknowledges  its  justice,  for  he  half 
consents  in  asking  for  three  days  for  consideration. 
Graphically,  the  author  of  Kings  presents  the  counsels 
of  the  different  factions  in  Rehoboam's  camp.  The 
gray-bearded  courtiers,  who  had  been  instructed  by  the 
politic  David,  and  who  had  grown  old  in  the  service  of 
the  worldly-wise  Solomon,  appreciate  the  situation  and 


THE  ACT  OF  DIVISION  23 

urge  a  conciliatory  policy  —  at  least,  until  the  present 
crisis  is  past.  But  the  younger  men,  who,  like  him- 
self, had  grown  up  in  the  vitiated  court  of  Solomon, 
had  only  absorbed  its  ideas  of  Oriental  absolutism. 
Naturally  he  accepts  their  advice,  since  it  merely  voices 
his  wishes.  Despotism  shall  win  or  lose  the  day. 
Therefore,  at  the  end  of  the  appointed  time,  when  the 
representatives  of  the  northern  tribes  again  assemble, 
confidently  expecting  a  generous  Magna  Charta,  a 
bomb  is  exploded  in  their  midst.  "  Whereas  my  father 
did  lade  you  with  a  heavy  yoke,  I  will  add  to  your 
yoke ;  my  father  chastised  you  with  whips,  but  I  will 
chastise  you  with  scorpions,"  are  the  arrogant  words 
of  the  king.  It  instantly  kindles  into  a  fierce  blaze  all 
the  suppressed  jealousy  and  discontent  which  filled 
their  hearts.  The  old  cry  of  revolt,  raised  during  the 
days  of  David  by  Sheba  the  Benjaminite  (II.  Sam. 
XX.  1),  "What  portion  have  we  in  David?  To  your 
tents,  O  Israel,"  spreads  like  wild-fire  from  mouth  to 
mouth  throughout  the  assembly.  The  aged  Adoram, 
who  was  at  the  head  of  the  hated  levy,  is  sent  to  treat 
with  the  Israelites,  and  falls  the  first  victim  of  Reho- 
boam's  folly.  It  is  forever  too  late  for  conciliation. 
The  die  is  cast.  Before  Rehoboam  has  reached  Jeru- 
salem, whither  he  had  fled  for  his  life,  king  of  but  one 
tribe,  Jeroboam,  who  in  the  earlier  days  had  led  the 
revolt  against  the  tyranny  of  Solomon,  and  had  now 
returned  from  his  forced  exile  in  Egypt,  had  been 
raised  to  the  throne  of  Israel.  The  Judeans,  who  nat- 
urally refused  to  accept  the  choice  of  the  majority  of 
the  tribes,  are  regarded  as  rebels  by  their  kinsmen  of 
the  north.  The  old  breach  was  opened  too  widely 
ever  to  be  closed  again. 


24  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

26.  The  act  of  division  turned  the  future  course  of 
Hebrew  history  into  entirely  new  channels.  Its  effects 
can  be  clearly  traced  in  all  the  varying  fortunes  which 
subsequently  came  to  the  Hebrew  race.  It  is  idle  to 
conjecture  what  might  have  been,  had  the  integrity  of 
the  empire  been  preserved ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the 
division  sapped  the  political  strength  of  the  Hebrew 
people,  so  that  the  possibility  of  their  becoming  a  great 
world-povfer  was  forever  destroyed.  With  few  excep- 
tions their  subsequent  history  is  one  of  continuous 
political  disaster.  On  the  other  hand,  the  mighty  tide 
of  foreign  customs  and  civilization  which  came  in  dur- 
ing the  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon  was  turned  sud- 
denly backward.  The  energies  of  the  people  were 
occupied  in  a  death-struggle  for  national  existence. 
Consequently,  for  a  few  generations  at  least,  the  social 
life  tended  necessarily  to  return  to  its  primitive  sim- 
plicity. The  influence  of  Solomon's  policy  of  exalting 
the  court  far  above  the  mass  of  the  nation  Avas  arrested, 
and  thereby  greater  equality  among  all  classes  was 
secured.  The  tendency  to  place  Jehovah  on  an  equal- 
ity with  the  gods  of  the  surrounding  nations  was  also 
temporarily  checked.  The  series  of  political  calamities 
which  soon  overtook  Israel,  and  later  Judah,  called 
forth  those  religious  heroes,  the  prophets,  who  won 
mighty  victories  for  righteousness  and  Jehovah. 
When  the  northern  kingdom  fell  in  722  B.  c,  Judah, 
severed  from  it  by  the  division,  survived  to  enjoy 
a  century  of  independent  existence,  which  was  rich 
in  spiritual  experience.  By  virtue  of  its  separation, 
its  religious  life  was  centralized  more  and  more  in 
Jerusalem,  thereby  preparing  the  way  for  that  cen- 
tralization of  worsliip  which  in  time  became  one  of  the 


EESULTS  OF  THE  DIVISION  25 

strongest  bulwarks  against  the  influence  of  heathen- 
ism. The  approaching  captivity,  which  followed  in 
the  wake  of  the  division,  led  the  prophets  to  open  their 
spiritual  eyes  wider  until  they  beheld,  instead  of  the 
local  god  of  one  little  nation,  a  Lord  supreme  in  the 
affairs  of  men  and  in  the  universe.  Out  of  the  depths 
of  their  private  and  national  affliction,  those  divinely 
enlightened  men  caught  glimpses  of  the  character  and 
will  of  the  Eternal,  which  enabled  them  to  rise  above 
national  annihilation  and  exile,  and  to  give  to  their 
race  and  humanity  truths  and  principles  which  are 
the  everlasting  foundations  of  religious  faith.  Thus, 
while  by  the  division  the  Hebrew  nation  lost  its  life, 
in  a  truer  and  higher  sense  it  found  it. 


IV 


EESOUECES   AND   ORGANIZATION   OF   THE  TWO 
KINGDOMS 

27.  The  territory  of  the  two  kingdoms  which  came 
into  existence  as  the  result  of  the  division,  v/as  defined 
by  tribal  rather  than  natural  boundaries.  The  border 
line  between  them  lay  within  the  land  of  Benjamin, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  territory  of  this  tribe  must 
have  fallen  to  the  northern  kingdom.  The  Benja- 
minites  regarded  themselves  as  belonging  to  the  house 
of  JosexDh  (II.  Sam.  xix,  16,  20).  Their  traditions 
and  the  events  of  their  earlier  history  all  bound  them 
most  closely  to  the  tribes  of  the  north.  They  had 
every  reason  to  regard  with  no  kindly  interest  the 
family  of  David,  which  had  supplanted  that  of  their 
kinsman  Saul.  Their  resentment,  in  fact,  found  re- 
peated expression  at  the  time  of  Absalom's  rebellion 
during  the  lifetime  of  David,  and  almost  resulted  in 
the  dismemberment  of  the  kingdom  (II.  Sam.  xvi. 
1-14 ;  XX.  1-22).  Consequently,  there  is  every  reason 
for  accepting  the  testimony  of  I.  Kings  xii.  20,  v/hich 
states  explicitly,  ^'  There  was  none  that  foUow^ed  the 
house  of  David,  but  the  tribe  of  Judah  only,"  instead 
of  the  popular  impression  that  Benjamin  joined  with 
the  south.  The  boundary  line  must  have  run  a  few 
miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  including  within  the  limits 

26 


35         Longitude    East 


fruni    Greenwich     36 


ISRAEL  AND  JUDAH  AFTER  THE  DIVISION   OF 
THE  HEBREW  E3IPIRE. 


AEEA  AND  STRENGTH  OF   JUDAH       27 

of  Judah  a  small  section  of  the  territory  of  Benjamin 
immetliately  adjacent  to  the  southern  capital.  It 
varied  at  different  times,  and  j^roved  a  fertile  subject 
of  dispute  (I.  Kings  xv.  17-22).  During  the  reign  of 
Asa,  Ramah  (about  six  miles  north  of  Jerusalem)  was 
fortified  by  the  Israelites.  When  the  forces  of  the 
north  were  withdrawn,  the  Judeans  improved  the  op- 
portunity to  fortify  in  turn  the  neighboring  towns  of 
Geba  and  Mizpah  (five  miles  north  of  Jerusalem). 
The  Judean  territory  probably  never  extended  beyond 
these  points. 

28.  The  area  of  the  territory  of  the  southern  king- 
dom could  not  have  been  more  than  one-half  of  that  of 
itd  northern  rival,  while  the  amomit  of  arable  land  was 
less  than  one-fourth.  The  area  of  Judah,  however, 
during  the  greater  part  of  its  history  was  greatly  in- 
creased by  the  territory  of  Edom,  over  wliich  the 
Judeans  continued  to  exercise  a  suzerainty.  Simi- 
larly, at  the  division,  the  territory  of  the  Moabites  fell 
to  the  tribes  of  the  north.  Although  the  land  of 
Judah  Avas  much  smaller,  it  enjoyed  certain  advantages 
of  position  not  shared  by  the  northern  kingdom.  On 
the  east,  the  Dead  Sea,  with  its  barren  shores,  proved  an 
efficient  barrier  against  Moabite  or  Ammonite  invasion. 
On  the  south  extended  the  desert,  which  barred  the 
way  against  all  invaders,  except  the  wandering  Arabs, 
whose  attacks,  although  troublesome,  were  no  menace 
to  the  nation's  life.  After  their  power  was  broken  by 
David,  the  Philistines,  whose  lands  bounded  Judah  on 
the  v/est,  never  again  united  for  the  conquest  of 
Hebrew  soil.  For  two  centuries  the  northern  king- 
dom proved  an  effective  buttress  against  the  formi- 
dable attacks  of  the  great  world  powers  from  the  north. 


28  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

The  only  foe  which  Juclah  had  cause  to  fear  was 
Egypt,  and  Egypt's  ambitions  and  capabilities  were 
limited  to  desultory  forays  into  Canaan.  Israel,  on 
the  other  hand,  by  virtue  of  its  position  was  obliged  to 
engage  in  a  constant  and  desperate  struggle  fo]'  exist- 
ence. Its  bars  were  all  down.  The  broad  valleys 
which  led  into  the  heart  of  the  land  furnished  natural 
highways  for  hostile  armies.  Egyptian  invasion  pene- 
trated its  territory  also,  while  from  the  northeast  there 
came,  almost  yearly,  Aramean,  and  later  Assyrian 
armies,  which  gradually  drained  its  life-blood. 

29.  The  natural  resoui'ces  of  the  two  kingdoms  pre- 
sented even  greater  contrasts.  Judah's  territory  was 
strewn  mth  limestone  rocks.  The  little  soil  between 
yielded  only  a  meagre  subsistence  in  return  for  the 
most  wearisome  labor.  Water,  the  absolute  requisite 
for  animal  and  vegetable  life,  was  doled  out  by  nature 
most  sparingly.  While  great  wealth  was  impossible,  a 
suificient  livelihood  could  be  gained  by  toil.  It  was  a 
land  calculated  to  develop  hardy,  earnest,  courageous 
men,  fond  of  their  rocky  hills,  and  tenacious  of  their 
customs  and  religion.  It  fui-nished  no  surplus  of  prod- 
ucts to  tempt  its  inhabitants  to  seek  a  foreign  market, 
and  the  barriers  which  encircled  them  intensified  the 
tendency  to  remain  at  home.  In  Israel,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  rocks  were  concealed  by  rich  soil,  abounding 
in  springs  which  called  forth  everywhere  a  rich  vege- 
tation. Broad  plains,  easily  tilled,  furnished  a  gener- 
ous supply  of  grain.  Contrasted  with  Judah,  it  was 
indeed  "a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey."  Its 
wealth,  however,  encouraged  commerce  and  attracted 
the  invader.  It  gave  to  Israel  material  prosperity  and 
commanding  prestige,  but  with  these  came  temptations 


LACK  OF  UNITY  IN  ISRAEL  29 

and  clangers  unknown  to  Judah.  It  tended  to  develop 
a  luxurious,  pleasure-loving  people,  far  more  suscep- 
tible to  foreign  influences  than  their  poor  cousins  living 
among  the  limestone  hills  in  the  south. 

30.  Judah's  inferiority  in  size  and  numbers  Avas 
more  than  compensated  for  by  the  unity  and  homo- 
geneity of  its  population.  The  tribe  of  Judah  not 
only  dominated  the  southern  kingdom,  but  it  had  so 
completely  absorbed  the  Simeonites,  and  the  Arabian 
clans,  which  it  had  found  in  possession  of  its  southern 
territory,  that  it  was  a  nation  made  up  of  one  tribe. 
The  interests  of  the  people  were  the  same,  since  their 
land  presented  little  diversity  and  limited  its  inhabi- 
tants to  the  culture  of  the  vine  and  the  raising  of 
sheep  and  cattle.  Jerusalem  towered  so  high  above 
the  few  other  towns  in  the  kingdom  that  they  stood 
toward  her  only  in  a  relation  of  dependence.  In  this 
respect  Judah  resembled  states  like  Damascus,  Baby- 
lon, and  Rome.  Furthermore,  the  Temple,  with  its 
splendid  equipment,  conmianded  the  reverence  and 
homage  of  all  the  people,  and  was,  therefore,  a  potent 
uniting  force.  These  elements  of  strength  and  union 
were  lacking  in  Israel.  Ephraim,  the  leading  tribe, 
shared  its  influence  with  others.  Rival  sectional  inter- 
ests were  an  even  greater  source  of  weakness.  The 
tribes  in  the  extreme  north  and  across  the  Jordan 
never  participated  actively  in  the  common  national 
life  of  Israel.  Natural  divisions,  like  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon  and  the  deep  valley  of  the  Jordan,  kept  the 
different  sections  of  the  northern  kingdom  from  com- 
ing into  close  touch  with  each  other.  An  inevitable 
result  of  the  wide  variations  in  physical  contour  was 
that  its  inhabitants  were   found  engaged  in  a  great 


30  A  HISTORY  OF  TtlE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

variety  of  occupations.  In  the  territory  of  Ephraim 
and  Manasseli,  for  example,  agTicultural  and  pastoral 
pursuits  flourished  side  bj^  side ;  on  the  rich  plain  of 
Esdraelon  the  life  was  wholly  agricultural ;  in  the  north, 
fishing  as  well  as  the  culture  of  the  soil  occupied 
the  people;  while  across  the  Jordan  the  majority  of 
the  inhabitants  were  shepherds.  Consequently,  while 
Judah  Avas  a  perfect  social  unit,  bound  together  by  the 
closest  natural  bonds,  Israel  was  made  up  of  a  loose 
aggregation  of  such  units.  In  the  north  also  there 
was  no  capital  city  like  Jerusalem,  nor  sanctuary 
like  that  reared  by  Solomon,  dominating  and  binding 
together  all  these  different  elements,  which  from 
geographical,  racial,  and  political  causes  were  so 
heterogeneous. 

31.  Furthermore,  in  Israel,  where  a  strong  central 
government  was  most  needed,  it  was  most  conspicuously 
lacking.  In  Judah  the  kingship  was  hereditary,  and 
was  retained  in  the  same  family  throughout  its  history, 
so  that  its  rulers  enjoyed  the  prestige  of  the  name  of 
David,  and  all  the  cumulative  power  which  comes 
from  an  uninterrupted  succession.  The  priesthood, 
which  exercised  great  influence,  used  this  to  maintain 
the  authority  of  the  throne,  by  which  it  was  in  turn 
supported.  The  prophets  also  co-operated  with  the 
civil  rulers  to  further  the  political  interests  of  the 
nation.  Throughout  Judean  history  the  relations  of 
court  and  people  were  most  cordial.  Therefore  the 
authority  of  the  king  was  practically  absolute  without 
being  tyrannical.  In  Israel  these  conditions  were  in 
many  respects  reversed.  Jeroboam  I.  was  raised  to  the 
throne  from  the  ranks  of  the  people.  His  authority, 
therefore,  was  delegated,  and  he  enjoyed  none  of  the 


RELIGIOUS  POLICY  OF  JEROBOAM  I.  31 

prestige  of  a  long  established  royal  line.  His  influ- 
ence, like  that  of  the  judges  of  earlier  days,  and  the 
kings  who  succeeded  hiui,  depended  chiefly  upon  his 
own  personal  ability.  When  an  Israelitish  king  was 
weak  or  incapable,  his  authority  was  little  more  than 
that  of  his  most  powerful  nobles.  This  fact  explains 
why  so  often  in  the  northern  kingdom  an  asj)iring  sub- 
ject was  able  to  mount  the  throne  by  the  assassination 
of  his  sovereign.  These  frequent  revolutions  tended 
still  further  to  v/eaken  the  authority  of  tiie  central 
government.  Consequently,  the  strength  of  Israel  was 
constantly  being  sapped,  not  only  by  foes  from  with- 
out, but  by  inefiicient  rule  and  anarchy  within. 

32.  Jeroboam  I.  felt  impelled,  as  the  first  king  of 
a  newly  constituted  kingdom,  to  establish  a  royal 
sanctuary  which  should  be  closely  identified  with  the 
new  regime^  and  enjoy  in  a  peculiar  sense  the  kingly 
patronage.  Late  historians,  v/ho  lived  wdien  all  the 
ceremonial  worship  had  been  centralized  in  Jerusalem, 
regarded  this  act  as  in  itself  a  sin;  but  it  is  clear, 
in  the  light  of  subsequent  history,  that  at  this  time 
even  the  Judeans  worshipped  at  many  shrines  outside 
of  Jerusalem,  and  that  Jeroboam  did  not  thereby  dis- 
countenance the  other  sanctuaries,  like  Gilgal,  Shiloh, 
and  Beersheba,  already  established  in  the  territory  of 
Israel  (Amos  iv.  4 ;  viii.  14 ;  I.  Sam.  i.  3,  9).  In 
reality  he  was  only  acting  in  accordance  with  the 
precedent  established  by  Gideon  (I.  sect,  bb)  and  Solo- 
mon (I.  sect.  154),  and  performing  his  duty  as  the 
religious  as  well  as  civil  head  of  the  nation.  Instead, 
however,  of  following  minutely  the  example  of  his 
predecessors  and  establishing  a  new  shrine  at  Ins  capi- 
tal, he  selected,  doubtless  with  a   view   to   securing 


32  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

the  support  of  the  priests,  two  sanctuaries,  located 
conveniently  for  his  people,  and  indicated  that  they 
were  to  be  the  royal  shrines  by  setting  up  at  each  a  calf 
or  bull,  probably  made  of  wood  overlaid  with  gold. 
The  bull  seems  to  have  been  regarded  among  the 
Hebrews  and  other  Semitic  peoples  as  a  symbol  of 
majesty  and  strength  (compare  Deut.  xxxiii.  17).  It 
appeared  in  the  supports  of  the  brazen  sea  of  Solomon's 
Temple,  probably  in  the  horns  of  the  altar,  and  possi- 
bly in  the  form  of  the  cherubim  which  guarded  the 
Ark  of  Jehovah.  Colossi,  with  the  body  of  bulls, 
are  also  familiar  figures  before  every  ancient  Assyrian 
palace.  That  the  Israelites  originally  regarded  them 
as  symbols  of  Jehovah  can  scarcely  be  questioned; 
indeed,  the  author  of  Kings  explicitly  states  that 
Jeroboam  identified  them  with  the  god  Avho  delivered 
tlie  Israelites  from  Egypt  (I.  Kings  xii.  28). 

33.  From  such  zealous  prophets  as  Elijah  and 
Elisha  tills  act  of  Jeroboam's  evoked  no  censure ;  in 
fact,  it  must  have  been  regarded  as  eminently  satis- 
factory by  the  conservatives  of  his  realm,  for  instead 
of  establishing  a  new  shrine,  hallowed  by  no  tradi- 
tions, as  did  Solomon,  he  merely  assumed  the  attitude 
of  patron  toward  two  of  the  most  venerated  and  popu- 
lar sanctuaries  in  the  land.  The  one  at  Dan,  in  the 
north,  had  been  established  during  the  period  of  the 
judges,  and  was  presided  over  by  the  family  of  a 
certain  Levite  of  Bethlehem,  who  traced  descent  from 
Moses  (I.  sect.  69).  Bethel,  as  its  name  ("  House  of 
El ")  signifies,  was  regarded  as  a  sacred  city  by  the 
Israelites,  at  least  since  the  time  of  its  capture. 
According  to  Judges  xviii.  30,  the  same  priestly 
family  continued  in  charge  of  the  sanctuary  of  Dan 


THE  RELIGIOUS   CULT   OF  ISRAEL  33 

from  the  days  of  the  judges  to  the  captivity.  If  it 
was  necessary  for  Jeroboam  to  appoint  new  priests 
to  meet  the  additional  requirements  of  the  services 
at  the  sanctuary  in  Bethel,  which  seems  to  have  en- 
joyed in  a  greater  measure  the  royal  patronage,  he 
could  refer,  as  a  precedent,  to  a  similar  appointment 
by  David  (I.  i^icct.  123).  The  ritual  at  these  shrines 
probably  did  not  chfter  materially  from  the  one  at 
Jerusalem  during  the  same  period.  The  author  of 
Kings  recalls  the  fact  that  the  great  annual  feast  in 
Israel  was  held  in  the  eighth  month  instead  of  the 
seventh,  as  was  the  custom  in  Judah  in  his  time. 
It  may  also  be  inferred  that  on  this  occasion  the  king, 
like  Solomon  before  him  (I.  sect.  162),  publicly  sac- 
rificed at  the  great  altar  in  Bethel.  The  p>rophet 
Amos,  a  few  generations  later,  refers  to  the  custom 
of  going  up  to  Bethel  and  bringing  sacrifice  every 
morning,  and  tithes  eveiy  three  years,  and  of  offering 
sacrifices  of  thanksgiving  of  that  which  is  leavened, 
and  of  proclaiming  free-will  offerings  (iv.  4,  5).  He 
also  speaks  of  the  solemn  assemblies  and  public  sacri- 
fices in  terms  which  suggest  that  they  were  attended 
with  song  and  music,  and  even  with  licentious  prac- 
tices (v.  21-24 ;  ii.  8). 

34.  Although  his  contemporaries  did  not  recognize 
it,  the  policy  which  Jeroboam  adopted  in  regard  to 
the  national  religion  was  a  hindrance  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  purer  worship  of  Jehovah.  About  the 
sanctuaries  which  he  thus  exalted,  clung  all  the  debas- 
ing traditions  and  customs  of  a  less  enlightened  past. 
The  golden  bulls  also  belonged  to  the  degrading  sym- 
bolism of  the  preceding  age.  His  act,  therefore,  rep- 
resented a  step  backward  rather  than  forward.     Later 

3 


34  A  HISTORY   OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

prophets,  who  recognized  the  evils  which  followed 
in  its  train,  were  right  in  hrancUng  it  as  a  fatal  mistake. 
Keeping  alive  dead  traditions  and  forms,  because  they 
had  served  the  past  well  enough,  instead  of  adopting 
a  higher  expression  of  truth,  w^as  the  sin  "  where v\dth 
Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Nebat,  made  Israel  to  sin."  In 
this  respect  the  newly  established  temple  at  Jerusalem, 
untrammelled  by  any  inherited  traditions,  enjoyed  ad- 
vantages which  were  destined  ultimately  to  make  it 
a  centre  of  commanding  influence. 


POLITICAL   EVENTS   IN   ISRAEL   AND   JUDAH 

35.  The  dissolution  of  the  empire  of  David  pre- 
cipitated a  long  series  of  petty  wars  between  the  differ- 
ent peoples  of  the  Palestinian  world.  In  the  contest 
between  Israel  and  Judah  the  advantages  at  first 
were  with  the  smaller  kingdom,  since  it  inherited  most 
of  the  military  equipment  of  the  empire.  Rehoboam, 
who  evinced  the  same  incapacity  for  war  that  had 
characterized  his  father,  did  not,  however,  improve  his 
opportunity,  but  contented  himself  with  establishing 
fortresses  throughout  the  territory  of  Judah.  Jeroboam 
in  the  meantime  fortified  his  capital,  Shechem.  Lo- 
cated in  a  narrow  valley  commanded  by .  Gerizim  on 
the  south,  and  Ebal  on  the  north,  it  could  never  be 
made  an  impregnable  stronghold.  The  author  of  Kings 
states  that  he  subsequently  "went  out  from  thence 
and  built  Penuel,"  which  is  to  be  identified  with  the 
east-Jordan  tov/n  south  of  the  Jabbok,  upon  which 
Gideon  at  an  earlier  period  v/reaked  such  dire  ven- 
geance (I.  sect.  54).  Later  Tirzah,  which  was  proba- 
bly located  about  six  miles  northeast  of  Shechem, 
became  the  capital  of  the  northern  kingdom  (I.  Kings 
xiv.  17;  XV.  33).  The  superiority  which  Judah 
at  first  enjoyed  disappeared  a  few  years   later,  when 

35 


36  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

its  territory  was  invaded  by  Shishak,  the  Lybian  com- 
mander who  founded  the  twenty-second  Egyptian 
dynasty.  JeriLsalem  was  captured,  and  the  wealth 
which  David  and  Solomon  had  collected  was  trans- 
ferred to  Egypt.  Within  Judah  bronze  henceforth 
took  the  phice  of  gold  in  the  court  as  well  as  in  the 
Temple.  According  to  the  inscription  which  Shishak 
caused  to  be  inscribed  on  the  south  wall  of  the  great 
temple  of  Amen  at  Karnak,  commemorating  this  plun- 
dering expedition,  Israel  suffered  together  with  Judah ; 
for  several  of  the  one  hundred  and  thirty-tlu-ee  cap- 
tured cities  mentioned  therein  belonged  to  the  north. 

36.  When  this  wave  of  invasion  had  receded,  the 
war  between  the  two  Hebrew  kingdoms  was  renewed. 
After  a  reign  of  twenty-two  years  Jeroboam  died  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Nadab,  who  was  assassinated 
soon  after  his  accession  by  a  certain  Baasha  of  the  tribe 
of  Issachar,  while  he  was  besieging  the  Philistine  town 
of  Gibbethon.  According  to  the  chronicler,  Abijam, 
the  son  of  Rehoboam,  gained  an  important  victory  over 
Jeroboam.  Baasha,  the  nev/  king  of  Israel,  however, 
carried  on  the  war  with  fresh  vigor.  Ramah,  on  the 
extreme  southern  border  of  Israel,  was  fortified,  and 
the  independence  of  Judah  was  so  threatened  that  its 
king,  Asa,  in  alarm,  collecting  the  gold  and  silver 
which  he  could  find  in  his  court  and  the  Temple,  sent 
them  as  a  present  to  persuade  Benhadad,  the  king  of 
the  new  Aramean  state  Avhich  had  been  founded  at 
Damascus  by  Rezon  during  the  reign  of  Solomon 
(I.  sect.  143),  to  break  his  treaty  with  Baasha.  Ben- 
hadad, ambitious  for  conquest,  responded  by  invading 
the  territory  of  Israel,  capturing  the  cities  of  Dan, 
Abel,  and  Ijon  in  the  north,  and  overrunning  the  land 


ACCESSION  OF  OMRI  37 

around  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  Baasha  was  obliged  to 
withdi-aw  his  forces  from  the  south,  and  Asa  improved 
the  opportunity  to  fortify  Geba  and  Mizpali.  The 
Judean  king  by  this  act  secured  immediate  deliverance, 
but  he  thereby  introduced  into  Israelitish  politics  a 
foe  who  was  destined  for  generations  to  harass  and 
menace  both  the  Hebrew  kingdoms. 

37.  Elah,  the  son  who  succeeded  Baasha,  proved  an 
even  more  inefficient  ruler  than  the  son  of  Jeroboam. 
In  a  drunken  debauch  he  was  slain  by  Zimri,  one  of 
his  military  officers.  In  accordance  with  the  custom 
of  the  age,  his  family  were  exterminated  by  the  same 
hand.  The  assassin  sat  but  seven  days  on  the  tlirone 
thus  rendered  vacant.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  this 
deed  reached  the  army  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Gibbe- 
thon,  they  at  once  elected  their  general,  Omri,  king, 
and  marched  against  the  conspirator,  who  remained  at 
the  capital,  Tirzah.  When  Zimri  realized  that  resist- 
ance was  useless,  he  retired  to  the  palace  and  burnt  it 
down  over  his  head.  During  this  period  of  anarchy 
another  party  in  Israel  set  up  as  king  a  certain  Tibni, 
the  son  of  Ginath.  In  the  civil  war  which  followed, 
Omri  was  ultimately  successful,  and  became  the  founder 
of  the  strongest  dynasty  which  occupied  the  throne 
of  Israel. 

38.  Fortunately  for  the  existence  of  Israel,  Omri 
proved  an  able  and  energetic  military  commander ;  for 
Benhadad  of  Damascus,  its  northern  foe,  was  strong 
and  pressing  it  closely.  The  record  in  Kings  pre- 
serves none  of  the  details  of  the  wars  between  Damas- 
cus and  Israel,  which  were  fought  during  the  twelve 
years  of  Omri's  rule.  On  the  whole,  they  must  have 
been  adverse   to   the   northern   kingdom;    for  Ahab, 


38  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

Omri's  successor,  was  little  better  than  a  vassal  of 
Benhadad  during  the  earlier  part  of  liis  reign  (I. 
Kings  XX.).  An  incidental  reference  informs  us  that 
Omri  ceded  certain  Israelitish  cities  to  his  foe,  and 
that  he  was  also  compelled  to  set  aside  certain  streets 
in  his  capital  —  prohably  for  the  especial  use  of  Ara- 
mean  traders  —  which  were  under  the  especial  patron- 
age of  the  king  of  Damascus  (I.  Kings  xx.  34).  In 
that  age  this  act  was  one  of  the  penalties  imposed 
by  the  conqueror  upon  the  vanquished.  In  the  east 
his  military  enterprises  were  attended  with  greater 
success;  according  to  the  testimony  of  the  Moabite 
stone,  "  Omri  was  king  of  Israel  and  oppressed  Moab 
many  days,  for  Chemosh  was  angry  with  his  land" 
(lines  4-6). 

39.  Under  his  wise  direction  the  relations  between 
Israel  and  Judah  became  more  and  more  friendly,  un- 
til in  the  days  of  Ahab  the  two  Hebrew  kingdoms  are 
found  fighting  together  against  their  common  foes. 
The  most  important  act  of  his  reign,  however,  was  the 
establishment  of  Samaria  as  the  capital  of  his  kingdom. 
Since  the  latter  days  of  Jeroboam  the  kings  of  Israel 
had  resided  at  the  insignificant  town  of  Tirzah.  Omri 
purchased  for  two  talents  of  silver  a  commanding  hill, 
situated  a  few  miles  northeast  of  the  ancient  capital, 
Shechem,  surrounded  on  every  side  by  deep  valleys, 
and  encircled  by  some  of  the  most  fruitful  territory  in 
all  Israel.  On  this  site,  centrally  located  and  capable 
of  being  easily  rendered  almost  impregnable,  he  built 
Samaria,  which  was  thus  identified  Avith  his  family,  and 
wliich  subsequently  figured  so  prominently  in  Israel- 
itish history.  Although  he  never  attained  as  great 
success,  since  the  conditions  v/ere  mucii  more  unfavor- 


AHAB'S  HOME  AND  FOREIGN  TOLICY  39 

able,  Omri  from  a  political  point  of  view  stands  in 
much  the  same  relation  to  Israel  as  David  did  to  the 
united  Hebrew  kingdom.  The  Assyrians,  even  when 
Jehu  had  supplanted  the  family  of  Omri,  recognized 
his  ability  by  designating  Israel  as  "the  House  of 
Omri." 

40.  Ahab,  his  son,  adopted  the  policy  of  Solomon, 
although  he  evinced  far  more  energy  as  a  military 
leader  than  that  splendor-loving  monarch.  At  Sa- 
maria he  engaged  in  extensive  building  operations, 
while  at  Jezreel,  on  the  edge  of  the  fair  plain  of  Es- 
draelon,  he  had  another  palace.  During  his  reign  the 
prevalent  spirit  of  building  impelled  Hiel,  the  Bethel- 
ite,  to  rebuild  Jericho  (I.  Kings  xvi.  33,  34).  Under 
the  rule  of  the  preceding  dynasties,  Israel  had  had  no 
relations  with  the  surrounding  nations  except  those 
imposed  by  war.  Omri  or  else  his  son,  who  succeeded 
to  his  ambitions,  recognizing  the  material  advantages 
which  would  accrue  to  Israel,  surrounded  as  it  was  by 
so  many  hostile  peoples,  from  an  alliance  with  the  opu- 
lent trading  city  of  Tyre,  renewed  the  old  relations 
which  had  existed  during  the  days  of  David  and  Solo- 
mon, and  cemented  them  by  a  marriage  between  Ahab 
and  the  daughter  of  the  Tyrian  king. 

41.  The  author  of  Kings  gives  few  suggestions  re- 
specting the  sequence  of  events  in  Ahab's  reign ;  this 
question,  therefore,  must  be  determined  from  a  study 
of  the  events  themselves.  His  father  had  been  obliged 
to  make  important  concessions  to  Benhadad  of  Damas- 
cus. The  greater  part,  if  not  all,  of  the  territory  of 
Israel  north  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  east  of  the 
Jordan,  had  been  seized  by  this  powerful  foe.  Ahab 
submitted  to  his  demands  until  at  length  the  Aramean 


40  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

king  assembled  all  his  forces  and  invaded  Israel  for 
the  purpose  of  completely  subjugating  it.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  overrxmning  its  territory  and  in  shutting  up 
the  king  of  Israel  within  his  capital  Samaria.  Ahab 
at  first  acceded  to  Benhadad's  demand  that  he  become 
his  vassal.  Not  content  Avith  this  concession,  the  Ara- 
mean  king  insisted  that  the  city  and  palace  be  given 
up  to  his  servants  for  plunder.  Ahab  recognized  that 
he  could  hope  for  no  leniency.  Accordingly,  after 
consulting  with  his  elders  and  peojile,  he  sent  back  a 
refusal,  which  called  forth  from  Benhadad  dire  tin-eats 
of  vengeance.  Aha!)  retorted  in  the  words  of  the 
proverb,  "  Let  not  him  that  girdeth  on  his  armor 
boast  himself  as  he  that  putteth  it  off,"  and  forthwith 
mustered  his  army  for  an  attack,  although  his  entire 
fighting  force  was  less  than  eight  thousand.  At  mid- 
day they  fell  upon  the  Arameans,  while  Benhadad  was 
engaged  in  a  drinking-bout  with  his  princes.  When 
it  was  reported  to  the  reveller  that  the  Israelites  were 
approaching,  he  gave  the  senseless  command  to  take 
them  alive.  In  a  short  time  his  aimy  was  in  flight, 
and  he  himself  was  fleeing  for  his  life. 

42.  His  counsellors  consoled  the  vanquished  king 
with  the  assurance  that  his  defeat  was  because  the  god 
of  the  Israelites  was  a  god  of  the  hills,  and  that  on  the 
plains  he  could  expect  a  victory.  They  also  wisely 
suggested  that  he  substitute  military  commanders  for 
the  inefficient  princes.  Acting  in  accordance  with 
their  advice,  Benhadad  invaded  Israel  in  the  following 
year  with  a  great  army  to  meet  with  a  still  more  over- 
whelming defeat  at  Aphek,  which  may  have  been  the 
Aphek  memorable  in  the  Philistine  wars  (I.  sect.  59), 
but  more  probably  is  to  be  identified  with  the  modern 


AHAB'S  WARS  WITH  DAMASCUS  41 

town  of  Fik,  located  five  miles  east  of  the  Sea  of  Gali- 
lee, and  therefore  in  the  direction  from  which  the 
Arameans  would  naturally  advance.  He  himself  was 
unable  to  escape,  but  was  compelled  in  the  garb  of  a 
suppliant  to  crave  mercy  from  the  king  of  Israel.  Al- 
though the  prophets  of  his  realm  severely  denounced 
Ahab  for  his  leniency,  he  spared  the  life  of  his  foe,  and 
allowed  him  to  depart  on  the  condition  that  he  would 
restore  the  Israelitish  cities  captured  from  Omri,  and 
set  aside  for  the  Israelites  certain  quarters  in  Damas- 
cus. Ahab's  motive  in  so  doing  can  only  be  conjec- 
tured. Possibly  it  was  because  he  recognized  in  the 
approach  of  Assyria  a  common  adversary  which  de- 
manded their  united  attention.  The  fact  that  these 
hereditary  foes  chd  actually  fight  side  by  side  with  the 
other  princes  of  Palestine  against  Assyria  at  Karkar  in 
the  year  854  b.  c.  is  established  by  the  testimony  of 
the  inscription  of  the  Assyrian  king,  Shalmaneser  II. 
The  land  of  Damascus  is  accredited  with  furnishing 
twelve  hundred  chariots,  twelve  hundred  cavalry,  and 
twenty  thousand  soldiers,  while  Ahab,  of  the  land  of 
Israel,  sent  two  thousand  chariots  and  ten  thousand 
soldiers.  The  only  satisfactory  explanation  of  how 
Ahab,  whose  territory  was  not  especially  adapted  for 
chariots,  was  able  to  furnisli  more  than  his  rich  north- 
ern rival,  is  that  the  battle  of  Karkar  followed  soon 
after  the  great  Israelitish  victory  at  Aphek. 

43.  Shalmaneser  claims  that  he  completely  routed 
the  forces  of  the  Palestinian  coalition.  He  did  not, 
however,  immediately  follow  up  the  results  of  his 
victory,  being  recalled  by  more  important  affairs  in  the 
east.  Thus  Damascus  and  Israel  were  free  to  resume 
their  old  attitude  of   hostility.      After  three  years  of 


42  A  HISTORY   OF  THE  HEBREW   PEOPLE 

peace  Aliab  again  took  up  the  gauntlet.  The  cause 
was  that  the  king  of  Damascus  had  failed  to  restore 
the  Israelitish  cities,  as  promised  at  the  treaty  of 
Aphek,  for  the  attack  was  directed  against  Ramoth- 
Gilead,  showing  that  it  was  still  retained  by  the  enemy. 
Jehoshaphat  of  Judah,  lured  by  the  false  message  of 
the  four  hundred  servile  prophets  of  Israel,  joined  the 
campaign.  Ahab,  knowing  that  he  himself  was  an 
especial  object  of  hate  to  the  king  of  Damascus, 
entered  the  battle  in  disguise.  A  chance  arrow,  how- 
ever, pierced  through  his  armor  and  inflicted  a  mortal 
wound,  so  that  at  evening  he  died.  The  army,  thus 
bereft  of  a  leader,  gave  up  the  fight  and  scattered, 
each  man  to  his  home. 

44.  The  death  of  Ahab  was  the  beginning  of  a  long- 
series  of  disasters  for  Israel.  Ahaziah,  who  followed 
him,  fell  through  a  lattice  in  the  upper  chamber  of  his 
palace  at  Samaria,  and  received  injuries  from  which  he 
never  recovered.  He  and  his  brother  Joram,  or  Jeho- 
ram,  who  succeeded  him,  carried  on  the  policy  of  tlieir 
father,  but  with  little  of  his  military  ability.  Mesha, 
the  shepherd  king  of  Moab,  improved  this  opportunity 
to  throw  off  completely  the  yoke  of  Israel.  Joram 
summoned  his  father's  ally,  Jehosliaphat  of  Judah, 
and  his  vassal  prince,  the  king  of  Edom,  with  their 
armies,  to  aid  him  in  subduing  the  rebel.  Instead  of 
invading  the  territory  of  Moab  from  the  north,  vfhere 
it  was  most  easily  defended,  they  took  the  longer  and 
more  difficult  route  around  the  southern  end  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  where  they  almost  perished  for  lack  of 
water.  The  Moabites,  attacked  in  their  rear,  were  put 
to  flight  and  their  territory  devastated.  The  Moabite 
king  was  shut  up  within  his  capital,  and,  after  making 


THE   REIGN  OF   JEHOSHAPIIAT  43 

a  vain  effort  to  escape  with  some  of  liis  followers, 
resorted  to  the  extreme  measure  of  offering  up  his 
oldest  son  on  the  walls,  as  a  burnt-offering  to  appease 
and  thereby  win  the  favor  and  aid  of  his  god.  The 
act  is  quite  in  keeping  v/ith  the  religious  practices  of 
the  age,  and  with  the  spirit  which  finds  expression  in 
the  Moabite  inscription.  It  aroused  the  superstitious 
fear  of  the  allies,  and  proved  the  signal  for  their 
retreat.  Moab  was  thus  lost  to  Israel;  while  in  the 
north  the  contest  with  Damascus,  which  at  this  time 
was  weakened  by  the  attacks  of  the  Assyrians,  was 
carried  on  without  marked  success  on  either  side. 
At  last  the  religious  storm  which  had  long  been 
gathering  within  Israel  broke,  in  the  revolution  of 
Jehu,  sweeping  the  family  of  Omri  from  the  throne, 
and  inaugurating  another  era  in  the  history  of  the 
northern  kingdom. 

45.  According  to  the  testimony  of  Chronicles 
(II.  Chron.  xiv.),  during  the  reign  of  Asa,  Judali  was 
invaded  by  an  Egyptian  army,  led  by  Zerah,  who  is 
probably  to  be  identified  with  Osorkon  I.  The  Judean 
king,  collecting  his  forces,  met  and  defeated  the 
marauding  foe  at  Mareshah,  near  the  Philistine  border. 
Jehoshaphat,  the  son  of  Asa,  who  was  the  first  to  enter 
into  friendly  relations  with  Israel,  was  an  energetic 
and  aspiring  prince.  Although  his  warlike  ventures  in 
connection  with  the  northern  kingdom  were  univer- 
sally unsuccessful,  he  infused  nev/  life  and  activity 
into  Judah.  Garrisons  were  placed  in  the  walled 
towns,  citadels  and  store-cities  built  at  strategic  points, 
and  the  army  regularly  organized  (11.  Chron.  xvii.).  In 
the  south  he  carried  his  conquests  to  the  Red  Sea,  and 
forced  certain  of  the  wild,  desert  tribes  to  pay  him  a 


44  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

large  annual  tribute.  Imitating  Solomon,  he  prepared 
to  send  from  the  port  of  Ezion-geber  large  merchant- 
ships  to  Ophir.  These,  however,  were  wrecked  even 
before  they  had  left  their  port.  Under  his  son,  Jeho- 
ram,  Judah  met  with  still  further  reverses.  The  town 
of  Libnah  successfully  revolted.  In  the  campaign 
aofainst  the  Edomites,  who  at  the  same  time  renounced 
the  yoke  of  Judah  and  "  made  a  king  over  themselves," 
Jehoram  Avith  his  army  barely  escaped  from  being  sur- 
rounded and  captured,  by  cutting  his  way  by  night 
through  the  line  of  the  insurgents.  The  alliance  be- 
tween Israel  and  Judah  was  cemented  by  the  marriage 
of  Jehoram  to  Athaliah,  one  of  the  daughters  of  Ahab. 
The  court  of  Judah  imitated  more  and  more  that  of 
Israel.  Ahaziah,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Judah, 
joined  his  cousin  Joram  in  his  war  against  the  Ara- 
means,  and  fell  a  victim  to  the  destroying  zeal  of  the 
reformer  Jehu.  Athaliah,  the  queen  mother,  seized 
this  opportunity,  by  the  murder  of  the  seed  royal,  to 
assume  the  supreme  power.  For  six  years  Judah  en- 
diu^ed  her  tyranny,  until  a  wave  of  revolution  headed 
by  Jehoiada,  the  priest,  cut  down  the  usurper  and 
placed  upon  the  throne  of  Judah,  Jehoash,  the  youth- 
ful son  of  Ahaziah,  who  liad  been  rescued  by  his  aunt 
from  the  massacre  instituted  by  Athaliah.  From  a 
political  point  of  view  the  Pre-Assyrian  period  of 
Hebrew  history  was  one  of  steady  decline,  only  tem- 
porarily checked  by  the  energetic  efforts  of  such 
kings  as  Jehoshaphat,  Omri,  and  Ahab.  The  rich 
resources  of  Israel  were  being  exhausted  by  repeated 
revolutions ;  the  strength  of  the  Hebrew  race  was  being 
wasted  by  a  fruitless  civil  war ;  and  the  energies  of 
the   entire   Palestinian   world   were    being   dissipated 


t 

^;%  RESULTS   OF  THE  CIVIL  WARS  45 

by  internecine  conflicts  waged  with  the  cruelty  and 
destructiveness  characteristic  of  the  age.  Before 
Assyria,  wliich  was  destined  radically  to  transform 
the  character  of  Palestinian  politics,  appeared  on 
the  horizon,  conditions  in  Canaan  were  ripe  for  its 
conquest. 


:m  ^: 


VI 


THE  RELIGIOUS   CRISIS   IN  ISRAEL,   AND  THE 
WORK  OF   ELIJAH 

46.  The  data  are  too  incomplete  and  unsatisfactory 
to  determine  with  certainty  what  was  the  character  of 
the  rehgioiis  life  of  Judah  during  the  centuiy  imme- 
diately following  the  division.  Under  Rehoboam  and 
Abijam,  the  religious  conditions  introduced  by  Solo- 
mon's policy  continued  unchanged.  The  reigns  of 
Asa  and  Jehoshaphat  were,  however,  characterized  by 
renewed  political  and  commercial  activity,  and  with 
this  came  certain  movements  toward  religious  reform 
which  served  to  extend  the  influence  of  the  Temple 
and  of  its  priesthood.  The  most  odious  symbols  of 
Baalism  were  removed,  and  its  most  immoral  practices 
suppressed ;  but  the  author  of  Kings,  as  well  as  later 
conditions,  testifies  that,  "nevertheless  the  high  places 
were  not  taken  away ;  the  people  still  sacrificed  and 
burnt  incense  in  the  high  places  "  (I.  Kings  xxii.  43). 
Inasmuch  as  Jehoshaphat's  spirit  of  reform  did  not 
deter  him  from  readily  affiliating  with  the  house  of 
Omri,  which  openly  tolerated  Baalism,  and  from  lis- 
tening as  willingly  to  the  prophets  of  Israel  as  to  those 
of  his  own  land,  it  must  be  concluded  that  religious 
ideas  and  practices  in  the  south  were  not  radically 
better  than  those  in  the  north. 

46 


INFLUENCE   OF  THE   PROPHETS  IN  ISRAEL         47 

47.  In  religion,  as  in  politics,  Israel  played  the 
leading  role.  In  both  kingdoms,  the  priests  of  the 
sanctuaries  were  conservative  rather  than  progressive 
religious  forces,  cherishing  existing  customs  and 
loyally  supporting  the  ruling  monarchs.  Upon  the 
prophets,  therefore,  devolved  the  high  duty  of  deliver- 
ing their  nation  from  the  grave  dangers  which  threat- 
ened, and  of  leading  it  on  to  a  higher  and  purer 
religious  life.  The  author  of  Kings  refers  incidentally 
to  one  or  two  prophets  in  Judah,  and  the  chronicler  to 
still  others  ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  exerted 
much  influence.  In  Israel,  however,  the  conchtions 
were  entirely  different.  The  prophets  favored  the 
division  (sect.  19),  because  they  hoped  in  the  new 
kingdom  to  be  able  to  realize  their  ideals.  Their 
hopes  were  partially  fulfilled.  Freedom  from  the 
dominating  authority  of  the  throne  was  temporarily 
secured,  and  much  of  the  old  simplicity  restored ;  but 
it  was  a  reversion  to  the  conditions  which  obtained 
during  the  days  of  the  judges.  The  foreign  wars  and 
the  dangers  of  national  annihilation  soon  called  forth  a 
series  of  military  kings,  who  had  no  sympathy  nor 
concern  for  the  realization  of  the  lofty  religious  ideals 
which  filled  the  souls  of  the  greatest  prophets.  Con- 
sequently, between  the  monarchy  and  prophecy,  the 
two  leading  powers  in  Israel,  there  was  an  intense  and 
ever-growing  opposition.  It  first  found  expression  in 
messages  of  denunciation  and  warning,  directed  by  the 
prophets  against  the  reigning  sovereigns  (I.  Kings  xiv. 
1-17 ;  xvi.  1-4). 

48.  The  antagonism  between  prophet  and  king 
reached  its  culmination  in  the  persons  of  Elijah  and 
Ahab,  who  were  each  the  strongest  representatives  of 


48  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

the  two  opposite  tendencies.  The  causes  of  the  con- 
flict were  the  same  as  those  which  earlier  led  to  the 
division  of  the  Hebrew  empire.  Ahab,  as  we  have 
seen  (sect.  40),  was,  like  Solomon,  intent  only  upon 
making  Israel  a  strong  political  power,  and  upon  es- 
tablishing his  own  authority.  The  means  which  he 
used  were  well  adapted  to  his  ends.  The  newly 
founded  towns  of  Samaria  and  Jezreel  grew  into  cities, 
adorned  with  public  buildings.  The  currents  of  com- 
merce were  set  in  motion  through  an  alliance  with 
T}Te.  New  ambitions  filled  the  minds  of  the  rude 
shepherds  and  farmers  as  they  came  into  contact  with 
foreign  life  and  civilization.  With  Phoenician  wares 
and  customs  came,  inevitably,  Phoenician  religion. 
Ahab  was  bound  to  countenance  it  by  the  obligations 
of  his  alliance.  In  Jezebel,  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal, 
the  ex-priest  of  Baal,  who  had  mounted  the  throne  of 
Tyre  by  miuxlering  his  predecessor,  Phoenician  culture 
found  a  champion  as  ardent  as  she  was  unprincipled. 
Ahab  sealed  the  alliance,  and  gratified  his  queen  by 
building  at  Samaria  a  temple  and  altar  of  Baal.  This 
called  for  special  priests,  who  enjoyed  Jezebel's  patron- 
age. Ahab  and  his  political  advisers  indignantly  re- 
sented the  charge  of  committing  any  sin  against 
Jehovah  in  thus  recognizing  the  god  of  an  allied 
people.  Even  if  the  king  did  at  times  pay  his  respects 
at  the  sanctuary  of  Baal,  he  had  no  intention  of  aban- 
doning the  worship  of  the  god  of  his  nation.  Perhaps 
the  best  evidence  of  this  is  that  to  his  children,  Aha- 
ziah,  Jehoram,  and  Athaliah,  he  gave  names  which 
contained  the  shorter  form  of  Jehovah  ( Jah  or  -iah), 
the  designation  of  their  god  peculiar  to  the  Hebrews. 
49.    From  a  political  point  of  view,  AhaVs  general 


FALSE  AND  TRUE  PROPHETS         49 

policy,  although  calculated  to  alter  fundamentally  the 
character  of  Israel,  appeared  to  be  wise  and  beneficial. 
It  was  only  the  more  enlightened  prophets,  represent- 
ing the  best  conscience  of  the  nation,  who  recognized 
the  menace  which  it  was  to  the  pui-e  worahip  of  Jeho- 
vah. Those  who  had  dared  to  raise  their  voices  in  pro- 
test had  been  silenced,  and  in  some  cases  persecuted ; 
for  Ahab  regarded  them  as  mere  fanatics,  blind  to  the 
best  interests  of  Israel,  and  rebels  defying  his  author- 
ity. Jezebel  recognized  in  them  the  most  zealous 
opponents  of  her  policy.  According  to  the  narrative 
preserved  in  I.  Kings  xviii.,  she  personally  undertook 
to  exterminate  these  "  troublers  of  Israel."  Their 
cause  was  also  betrayed  by  the  many  in  Israel  who 
were  called  prophets  of  Jehovah,  and  who,  neverthe- 
less, prophesied  only  according  to  the  dictates  of  self- 
interest.  This  fact  is  vividly  portrayed  in  the  picture 
contained  in  I.  Kings  xxii.  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah 
and  Ahab  of  Israel  are  about  to  go  out  in  battle  against 
the  Arameans  at  Ramoth-Gilead,  when,  in  accordance 
with  the  prevailing  custom,  the  Judean  king  makes 
the  demand,  "  Inquire,  I  pray  thee,  at  the  word  of  the 
Lord  to-day  "  (verse  5).  In  compliance,  Ahab  sum- 
mons four  hundred  (a  general  number)  of  the  prophets 
of  Jehovah.  Unanimously  they  predict,  ''  Go  up  ;  for 
the  Lord  shall  deliver  it  [Ramoth-Gilead]  into  the  hand 
of  the  king."  Jehoshaphat,  suspecting  their  subser- 
viency, asks  whether  there  is  no  other  prophet  from 
whom  he  may  inquire.  Ahab  replies  reluctantly 
that  there  is  a  certain  Micaiah,  the  son  of  Imlah,  whom 
he  hates  because  he  always  prophesies  evil.  While 
awaiting  his  arrival,  the  four  hundred  prophets  reiter- 
ate their  prediction  of  victory.     To  impress  it,  one  of 


50  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

them  makes  horns  of  iron  and  declares,  "  Thus  saith 
Jehovah,  with  these  shalt  thou  push  the  Arameans 
until  they  be  consumed."  The  royal  messenger,  who 
summons  Micaiah,  urges  him  to  return  a  message 
agreeable  to  the  king ;  but  he  replies,  "  What  Jehovah 
saith  unto  me,  that  will  I  speak."  Mockingly  he  re- 
peats before  the  kings  the  words  of  the  four  hundi-ed 
prophets.  When  Ahab  adjured  him  to  speak  the  truth, 
he  proclaims,  in  the  figurative  language  of  prophecy, 
"I  saw  all  Israel  scattered  upon  the  mountains,  as 
sheep  that  have  no  shepherd."  Then,  by  the  use  of  an 
allegory,  he  tactfully  but  forcibly  declares  that  the 
message  of  the  other  prophets  is  false,  being  prompted 
by  a  lying  spirit.  His  fidelity  is  repaid  by  the  blows 
of  his  fellow  prophets,  and  painful  imprisonment  at 
the  command  of  the  king. 

50.  The  scene  belongs  to  the  last  daj^s  of  Ahab's 
life,  and  is  conclusive  evidence  that  he  never  ceased  to 
regard  Jehovah  as  the  god  of  Israel.  The  real  danger 
was  more  insidious,  for  it  was  that  the  distinctions 
between  the  religion  of  Jehovah  and  Baal  would  be 
completely  levelled.  The  incident  just  referred  to 
indicates  that  at  least  the  majority  of  the  official 
prophets  of  Jehovah  abetted  rather  than  opposed  this 
tendency.  The  ceremonial  forms  with  which  Jehovah 
and  Baal  were  worshij^ped  were  so  similar  that  the 
priests  could  maintain  no  essential  distinctions.  Tlie 
cultivation  of  the  soil  was  the  chief  industry  of  Israel ; 
and  Baal  was  pre-eminently  the  god  of  agriculture, 
while  Jehovah  had  from  the  first  been  associated  with 
the  nomadic  life  of  the  desert.  To  understand  the 
gravity  of  the  situation,  it  is  necessary  to  remember 
how  attractive  to  a  Semite  of  that  age  was  the  religion 


THE   CHARACTER  OF  ELIJAH  51 

of  Baal,  which  gave  the  greatest  license  to  its  devotees. 
Its  system  of  morals  was  the  antithesis  of  that  preached 
by  the  austere  prophets  of  Jehovah.  Gradually  and 
almost  imperceptibly,  Israel  was  again  becoming  politi- 
cally, socially,  and  religiously  like  the  other  nations 
about,  —  a  consummation  fatal  to  the  performance  of 
its  miique  mission  to  the  world. 

51.  One  man  alone  had  the  courage  to  act.  Later 
generations,  appreciating  something  of  the  sublimity 
of  Elijah's  personality,  cast  about  it  an  atmosphere  of 
wonder.  Ahab  and  many  of  his  contemporaries  re- 
garded him  as  an  arch-fanatic.  From  the  biblical  nar- 
rative we  learn  that  his  home  was  among  the  hills  east 
of  the  Jordan,  on  the  borders  of  the  desert  in  that  part 
of  the  land  vv^hich  retained  longest  the  customs  and 
thought  peculiar  to  nomadic  life.  He  was,  therefore, 
in  sympathy  with  those  who  regarded  with  apprehen- 
sion Israel's  departure  from  the  ancient  pastoral  sim- 
plicity. It  was  a  feeling  which  found  objective 
expression  in  the  vow  of  the  Nazarite  not  to  touch 
the  product  of  the  vine,  since  this  v/as  regarded  as  the 
characteristic  symbol  of  Canaanitish  agricultural  civi- 
lization ;  and  in  the  customs  of  the  Rechabites,  who  also 
refused  to  drink  wine  and  clung  persistently  to  their 
nomadic  life  (Jer.  xxxv.  :  IT.  Kings  x.  15-23).  In  mode 
of  living  and  thought,  Elijah  always  retained  the  char- 
acteristics of  a  "sojourner  in  Gilead."  His  religion 
also  was  that  of  the  desert,  which  had  been  the  cradle 
Oi  the  Mosaic  faith.  He  was  imaffected  by  the  seduc- 
tive spell  of  the  Canaanitish  civilization,  and  had  little 
sympathy  with  the  current  aspirations  for  material 
wealth  and  political  glory.  His  one  ideal  was  that 
Israel  should  be  in  the  true  sense  the  people  of  Jeho- 


52  A  HISTORY   OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

vah.  Toleration  of  the  worship  of  Baal  was  to  his 
enlightened  vision  entirely  incompatible  with  the 
realization  of  that  ideal.  It  must,  therefore,  be 
suppressed,  even  though  at  the  cost  of  the  nation's 
existence. 

52.  The  method  which  he  employed  to  accomplish 
this  was  characteristic  of  the  man.  Ahab  had  no  in- 
clination, even  if  he  had  had  the  abilitj^,  to  understand 
and  fulfil  his  demands.  Accordingly  he  appealed  from 
the  king  to  the  people.  Famine,  which  was  ahvays  rec- 
ognized as  a  sign  of  Jehovah's  displeasure,  first  did  its 
work  of  preparation.  It  is  interesting  to  note  in  the 
same  connection  that  Meander  of  Ephesus  also  refers 
to  a  drought  during  the  reign  of  Ethobalos  (Phoeni- 
cian, Ethbaal),  King  of  Tyre,  which  lasted  one  year 
and  was  finally  averted,  according  to  Phoenician  tra- 
dition, by  the  intercession  of  the  king.  According  to 
the  narrative  in  Kings,  at  Elijah's  command,  to  which 
Ahab  was  forced  to  defer,  the  people  assembled  on 
Mount  Carmel.  On  its  heights  popular  superstition 
and  the  religion  of  Jehovah  met  face  to  face,  and  the 
weakness  of  the  one  and  the  strength  and  grandeur 
of  the  other  were  manifest.  Upon  the  minds  of  the 
people  was  flashed  anew  and  with  unparalleled  clear- 
ness the  old  truth,  so  nearly  forgotten,  that  Jehovah 
is  a  jealous  God,  and  that  therefore  they  must  make 
an  absolute  choice  between  him  and  Baal.  Not  only 
his  words  and  acts,  but  also  the  personality  and  man- 
ner of  the  great  prophetr-hero  impressed  the  lesson. 
Baal  was  vanquished,  and  his  priests,  who  were  pres- 
ent, were  slain ;  the  cause  of  Elijah's  God  for  the 
moment  triumphed ;  but  at  the  close  of  that  memorable 
day  the  people  returned  to  their  homes,  and  Jezebel 


NATURE   OF  ELIJAH'S   WORK  53 

practically  retained  her  old  power.  Nothing  seemed 
to  have  been  gained.  Truth  is  not  impressed  upon 
humanity  by  the  tempest,  nor  by  the  lightning-flash, 
nor  in  a  moment,  but  gradually.  Teachers  were  needed 
to  move  among  the  people  and  inculcate  the  great  truth 
by  word  and  life.  Elijah  must  have  realized  his  utter 
inability  to  complete  the  task  wliich  he  had  undertaken. 
He  had  done  all  that  he  could,  and  much  more  was 
needed.  With  supreme  fidelity  to  human  nature,  tra- 
dition records  the  despair  which  in  the  moment  of 
reaction  filled  his  impulsive,  heroic  soul. 

53.  Elijah  was  not  only  the  herald  of  a  purer  con- 
ception and  a  truer  service  of  Jehovah,  but  he  also 
proved  himself  the  champion  of  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple against  the  aggressions  of  the  throne.  Ahab's 
policy  of  absolutism  manifested  itself  in  his  palace 
building  and  the  suppression  of  the  prophets  who 
challenged  his  authority.  It  found  its  most  heinous 
expression,  however,  in  an  incident  recorded  in  I. 
Kings  xxi.  Near  the  royal  palace  at  Jezreel  was  the 
vineyard  of  a  peasant  by  the  name  of  Naboth.  The 
king,  desiring  to  extend  his  grounds,  endeavored  to 
secure  it  by  purchase ;  but  the  Jezreelite,  availing  him- 
self of  the  right  of  every  free  citizen  of  Israel,  refused 
to  part  with  his  family  possession.  Ahab  returned 
to  his  palace  in  a  pet.  Jezebel,  familiar  only  with 
the  methods  of  an  Oriental  monarch,  taunted  him  be- 
cause he  had  stopped  to  regard  the  rights  of  his  sub- 
ject, and  despatched  letters  to  the  elders  of  Jezreel, 
commanding  them  to  bring  against  Naboth  the  charge 
of  blasphemy,  and  forthwith  to  stone  him  to  death. 
The  queen  evidently  knew  her  instruments,  for  the 
crime   was   speedily  committed.      When   Ahab  went 


54  A  HISTOKY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

down  to  take  possession  of  the  vineyard  so  iniquitously 
gained,  Elijah  met  him  with  a  bitter  denunciation  on 
his  lips,  and  the  proclamation  that  because  of  tliis  deed 
destruction  would  come  upon  himself  and  family. 

54.  The  horror  which  this  royal  crime  aroused  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  undoubtedly  chd  more  to  over- 
throw the  house  of  Omri  than  the  favor  shown  to  the 
Phoenician  Baal ;  for  they  felt,  with  reason,  that  the 
hereditary  rights,  of  wliich  they  were  always  exceed- 
ingly jealous,  were  thereby  endangered.  Notwith- 
standing the  distinguished  services  of  the  house  of 
Omri,  popular  discontent  against  it  continued  to  grow, 
and  was  reinforced  by  the  opposition  of  the  Jehovah 
prophets  until  it  found  expression  in  the  bloody  revo- 
lution of  Jehu.  Undoubtedly  tliis  revolution  was  one 
of  the  indirect  fruits  of  Elijah's  work,  but  liis  contri- 
butions to  Israel's  development  were  positive  as  well 
as  negative.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  brought  for- 
ward any  new  revelation,  but  by  word,  and  esj)ecially 
by  his  life,  he  impressed  upon  his  age  the  simple  yet 
revolutionizing  truth  that  Jehovah,  the  god  of  their 
race,  was  a  jealous  and  righteous  God.  Being  jealous, 
he  accepts  nothing  less  than  the  entire  service  of  his 
people.  Being  righteous,  he  demands  righteousness 
in  turn  from  his  followers.  The  heroic  prophet  of 
Jehovah  left  the  scene  of  his  struggles  before  the  prin- 
ciples for  which  he  offered  himself  gained  general  ac- 
ceptance ;  but  he  left  behind  him  a  personal  ideal  of 
simple  grandeur,  of  undaunted  courage,  and  of  un- 
swerving advocacy  of  the  demands  of  divine  righteous- 
ness, which  was  partially  realized  in  the  prophets  who 
followed  him,  and  only  fully  in  the  second  Elijah,  who 
heralded  the  coming  of  the  One  altogether  righteous. 


PART  II 

THE  ASSYRIAN   PERIOD   OF  ISRAEL'S 
HISTORY 


THE  HISTOEICAL   SOUECES,   AND  CHRONOLOGY 

65.  The  story  of  the  gradual  decadence  and  final 
destruction  of  Israel  is  recounted  in  II.  Kings  iv.-xvii., 
in  a  series  of  citations  from  various  sources.  The  first 
part  of  the  section  (iv.  1-viii.  15 ;  xiii.  14-21)  consists 
of  stories  concerning  Elislia.  Variations  in  language 
and  context  indicate  that  they  are  not  all  from  the 
same  hand  (compare  verses  23  and  24  of  chapter  vi. ; 
also  V.  27,  and  viii.  4,  5).  Chapters  iv.,  vi.  1-7,  and  viii. 
1-6  manifest  the  closest  affinity  with  one  another.  All 
the  Elisha  passages,  however,  are  characterized  by  the 
same  picturesqueness  of  style,  the  same  general  point 
of  view,  and  the  same  indications  of  the  influence 
of  oral  transmission  as  the  Elijah  narratives  (sect.  4), 
and  hence  were  doubtless  current  in  the  same  pro- 
phetic circles  in  Israel  during  the  ninth  and  eighth 
centuries  B.  c.  The  compiler  has  introduced  them 
into  his  history  with  very  few  changes.  The  material 
in  chapters  ix.  1-x.  27,  which  records  the  revolution 
of  Jehu,  although  taken  from  several  different  sources, 
is  evidently  old.  It  is  closely  related  to  the  politico- 
prophetical  material  contained  in  I.  Kings  xx.,  xxii., 
and  II.  Kings  iii.  The  remaining  passages,  which 
refer  primarily  to  Israel,  are,  with   the  exception  of 

57 


58  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

the  short  section  xiv.  8-14,  epitomes  from  the  hand 
of  the  compiler.  In  chapter  xvii.  7-23  he  reviews 
the  causes  which  in  his  opinion  led  to  the  fall  of  the 
northern  kingdom,  and  in  verses  24-41  explains  the 
origin  of  the  Samaritan  people  and  of  their  religion. 

5G.  Our  conception  of  this  period  would  be  very 
defective  if  we  v\'ere  dependent  alone  upon  the  frag- 
mentary records  of  Kings.  Fortunately  portions  of 
the  sermons  of  two  prophets  who  prophesied  in  Israel 
have  been  preserved.  These  are  the  most  valuable 
historical  sources,  because  they  represent  the  testi- 
mony, not  only  of  eyewitnesses,  but  of  the  most 
enlightened  men  of  their  age.  Through  their  eyes 
we  are  able  to  study  conditions  as  they  actually  ex- 
isted, and  to  become  familiar  with  the  details  of  the 
history.  The  prophecy  of  Amos  deals  especially  with 
the  social  questions  which  agitated  Israel  during  the 
days  of  Jeroboam  II.  It  is  a  perfect  unit,  the  parts 
being  closely  related,  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
possible  interpolations,  is  all  from  the  hand  of  the 
prophet  himself.  The  prophecy  of  Hosea,  wdio  lived 
a  generation  later,  is,  on  the  contrary,  exceedingly 
disconnected.  The  repetitions  of  theme  and  ideas  and 
the  loose  correlations  of  the  parts  indicate  that  it  is 
based  upon  extracts  from  different  sermons.  It  is 
sharply  divided  into  two  parts.  The  first  includes 
chapters  i.-iii.  The  reference  in  i.  4  to  the  house 
of  Jehu  as  still  standing  is  conclusive  evidence  that 
the  section  belongs  to  the  latter  days  of  the  brilliant 
reign  of  Jeroboam  II.  In  the  second  part,  chapters 
iv.-xiv.,  the  historical  background  is  entirely  different. 
Anarchy  has  succeeded  the  order  of  the  earlier  days ; 
there  are  several  references  to  the  murder  of  a  king 


WITNESS  OF   ASSYRIAN  INSCRIPTIONS  59 

(vii.  3-7,  16;  x.  15);  Israel  has  lost  her  prestige 
(vii.  8 ;  viii.  8),  and  is  foolishly  seeking  alliances  with 
Egypt  and  Assyria,  in  the  hope  that  it  can  secure  help 
from  them  (v.  13;  vii.  11 ;  viii.  9;  xii.  1).  Evidently 
most  of  the  sermons  from  which  these  were  taken 
belong  to  the  days  of  disorder  and  decline  which 
followed  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II.,  antedating,  how- 
ever, the  invasion  of  Tiglath-Pileser  in  731  b.  c, 
when  Gilead  was  wrested  from  Israel  (vi.  8  ;  xii.  11). 

57.  The  liistorical  inscriptions  of  the  great  Assyrian 
conquerors,  Shalmaneser  II.,  Tiglath-Pileser  III.,  Shal- 
maneser  III.,  and  Sargon,  who  extended  their  cam- 
paigns into  Palestine,  furnish  many  facts  supplemental 
to  the  biblical  data.  Through  them  the  student  is 
introduced  to  the  broader  field  of  Semitic  politics, 
and  enabled  to  study  those  movements  of  which  the 
Hebrew  kingdoms  were  the  victims.  Although  the 
Assyrian  annalists  frequently  exaggerate,  and  some- 
times suppress  unpleasant  facts,  this  tendency  is  easily 
detected.  Their  testimony  is  of  inestimable  value, 
since  it  is  that  of  writers  living  at  the  time  that  the 
events  transpired.  The  exact  chronological  system 
which  they  contain  has  revolutionized  our  conclusions 
respecting  the  chronology  of  this  period. 

58.  The  Assyrian  inscriptions  establish  the  date  of 
the  fall  of  Samaria  at  722  b.  c.  Beginning  in  842  b.  c, 
the  Assyrian  period  of  Israelitish  history  was,  there- 
fore, limited  to  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  years. 
The  total  number  of  years  assigned  in  the  biblical 
narratives  to  the  kings  of  Israel  from  Jehu  to  the  fall 
of  Samaria  is  one  hundred  and  forty-three,  presenting 
a  discrepancy  of  twenty-two  years.  Here  again  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions  suggest  where  the  error  is  to  be 


60  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

found.  In  738  b.  c.  Menaliem  paid  tribute  to  Assj^ia. 
This  date  also  gives  approximately  the  year  of  his 
accession,  since  the  biblical  account  definitely  states 
that  Israel's  king  gave  the  Assyrian  king  one  thousand 
talents,  "  that  his  hand  might  be  with  him  to  confirm 
the  kingdom  in  his  hand"  (II.  Kings  xv.  19).  The 
total  number  of  years  assigned  by  the  compiler  to  the 
kings  wlio  reigned  in  Israel  during  the  seventeen 
years  between  738  and  722  b.  c.  is  forty-one  (ten,  two, 
twenty,  and  nine).  Evidently  the  tvv-enty-two  extra 
years  have  been  inserted  here.  Four  years  later,  734 
B.  c,  Tiglath-Pileser  invaded  Israel,  putting  to  death 
Pekah  who  had  cut  down  Pekahiah,  the  son  of 
Menahem.  These  facts  indicate  that  the  round  num- 
bers (ten  and  twenty)  assigned  to  Menahem  and 
Pekah,  are  greatly  exaggerated.  Menahem  may  have 
reigned  tliree,  while  Pekah's  rule  could  not  have 
exceeded  two  years.  On  the  other  hand,  the  nine 
years  attributed  to  Hoshea,  and  the  one  hundred  and 
three  to  the  house  of  Jehu,  are  confirmed,  giving  as 
the  result  a  comparatively  definite  system  (see  chart). 


II 

THE  KEVOLUTION  OF   JEHU 

59.  Although  the  principles  which  Elijah  valiantly 
advocated  did  not  gain  immediate  recognition  with 
court  and  people,  he  did  succeed  in  impressing  them 
indelibly  upon  the  minds  of  certain  of  his  followers. 
Chief  among  these  was  Elisha.  According  to  I.  Kings 
xix.  16-21,  he  was  from  the  town  of  Abel-Meholah, 
which  was  situated  on  the  southern  side  of  the  plain 
of  Bethshean,  not  far  from  the  Jordan.  His  home, 
therefore,  was  in  the  midst  of  a  rich  agricultural  com- 
munity, and  his  father,  Shaphat,  was  one  of  the  rich 
farmers  of  Israel.  His  call  to  the  prophetic  office  was 
unprecedented,  for  he  is  the  only  prophet  who,  accord- 
ing to  the  biblical  record,  was  summoned  to  that  high 
calling  by  another.  At  first  his  relations  to  Elijah 
were  those  of  a  disciple  and  servant  (II.  Kings  iii.  11). 
A  more  striking  contrast  could  not  be  imagined  than 
existed  between  the  rugged,  fearless  prophet  of  Gilead 
and  his  follower.  The  one  represented  the  uncompro- 
mising life  and  religion  of  the  nomad,  while  the  other 
belonged  to  the  agricultural  class  in  Israel  and  was 
familiar  with  the  customs  of  city  and  court.  The 
stories  respecting  these  two  prophets  which  were  cur- 
rent in  the  prophetic  schools  during  the  succeeding 

61 


62  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW   PEOPLE 

centuries,  illustrate  how  different  was  the  impression 
which  the  two  men  made  upon  posterity.  With  the 
name  of  Elijah  was  associated  the  drought,  the  thunder- 
roll,  and  the  lightning-flash,  —  wonders  within  the  realm 
of  Nature.  Elisha,  on  the  other  hand,  was  always 
found  among  men,  healing  their  maladies,  cleansing 
their  fomi tains,  and  advising  king  and  subject.  The 
one  used  denunciations  to  accomplish  his  ends,  the 
other  diplomacy ;  in  the  eyes  of  his  contemporaries  the 
one  seemed  to  fail,  the  other  to  be  crowned  with  com- 
plete success ;  and  yet  Elijah  will  always  be  recog- 
nized as  the  master,  the  greater  soul  who  dared  to 
initiate. 

60.  At  this  critical  point  in  Israelitish  history  the 
prophetic  guilds  (I.  sect.  86),  which  were  mentioned 
first  during  the  days  of  Samuel,  again  come  into 
prominence.  They  were  located  at  the  larger  cities, 
like  Jericho  (II.  Kings  ii.  5),  and  especially  at  the  old 
sanctuaries,  such  as  Bethel  (II.  Kings  ii.  3)  and  Gilgal 
(II.  Kings  iv.  38).  Their  members  stood  in  much  the 
same  relation  to  the  religion  of  Jehovah  as  the  prophets 
of  Baal  to  the  Phoenician  cult  (I.  Kings  xviii.  19,  22). 
They  Avere  permitted  to  marry,  and  entered  into  busi- 
ness contracts  with  their  fellow  countrymen  (II.  Kings 
iv.  1).  Certain  of  them,  at  least,  lived  together,  as 
at  Gilgal,  sharing  a  common  table  (I I.  Kings  iv.  38-41). 
Tliese  guilds  sometimes  changed  their  place  of  abode, 
and  built  their  quarters  with  their  own  hands  (IIo 
Kings  vi.  1-T).  They  must  have  been  dependent  for 
their  subsistence  chiefly  upon  their  own  toil,  although 
they  may  have  received  some  support  from  the  throne, 
as  did  the  priests  of  the  royal  sanctuaries  and  the 
prophets  of  Baal,  who  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  Jeze- 


NATURE  OF  THE   PROPHETIC   GUILDS  63 

bel.  The  subserviency  of  the  four  hiuidred  Jehovah 
prophets,  who  were  summoned  before  Ahab  and 
Jehoshaphat  (sect.  45),  indicates  that  they  must  have 
anticipated  some  material  reward.  Tliis  incident  also 
suggests  what  were  the  functions  of  the  members  of 
these  prophetic  guilds.  Questions,  private  as  well  as 
public,  concerning  which  it  was  deemed  necessary  to 
consult  Jehovah,  were  referred  to  them.  According 
to  Deuteronomy  xviii.  9-15,  the  prophets  filled  the 
place  in  Hebrew  life  left  vacant  by  the  diviners,  wiz- 
ards, and  necromancers  to  which  the  people  were  ac- 
customed to  resort  in  the  earlier  days.  Their  services, 
therefore,  would  call  forth  private  donations.  In  II. 
Kings  V.  22,  Gehazi,  the  servant  of  Elisha,  is  repre- 
sented as  soliciting  a  gift  in  behalf  of  two  young  men 
of  the  sons  of  the  prophets,  who  had  recently  come 
from  the  hill  country  of  Ephraim. 

61.  There  is  no  direct  information  respecting  the 
manner  in  which  the  members  of  these  prophetic  guilds 
were  chosen.  The  term  "  son  of  the  prophets  "  is  used, 
not  to  indicate  lineal  descent,  but  in  the  common  Se- 
mitic sense  of  the  member  of  a  community.  Personal 
inclination  or  natural  characteristics  undoubtedly  had 
much  to  do  in  determining  the  choice.  The  account 
of  the  call  of  Elisha  (sect.  59),  and  the  references  to 
his  servant,  Gehazi,  suggest  that  the  older  prophets 
gathered  about  themselves  young  men,  who  attended 
them  and,  as  an  inevitable  result  of  association  on  such 
terms,  absorbed  much  of  their  spirit  and  teacliing.  A 
group  of  such  followers  would  easily  grow  into  a  guild. 
The  application  to  these  bands  of  the  modern  term 
"school,"'  mth  its  implication  of  regular  instruction, 
is  not  warranted  by  any  biblical  reference,  and  is  en- 


64  A  HISTOEY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

tirely  out  of  harmony  with  the  habits  of  the  Orient. 
Undoubtedly  much  of  the  old  frenzy  and  wild  enthu- 
siasm characterized  their  religious  life.  The  son  of 
the  prophets  who  anointed  Jehu  was  called  a  mad 
fellow  by  the  other  officers  in  command  of  the  Israel- 
itish  army  (II.  Kings  ix.  11,  12)  ;  even  Elisha  em- 
ployed a  minstrel  to  induce  that  ecstatic  state  which 
they  deemed  essential  for  prophesying. 

62.  While  they  shared  certain  external  character- 
istics, the  Hebrew  prophets  differed  widely  in  their 
teachings.  The  four  hundred  who  predicted  victory 
for  Ahab  (I.  Kings  xxii.)  must  have  come  from  the 
various  prophetic  guilds;  and  yet  there  was  no  S}Tn- 
pathy  between  them,  and  Micaiah,  the  son  of  Imlah, 
or  the  unknown  son  of  the  prophets  who  declared  that 
judgment  Avould  surely  come  upon  Ahab  because  he 
spared  the  life  of  Benhadad  (I.  Kings  xx.  35-43).  In- 
stead, the  reference  indicates  that  already  there  were 
two  distinct  classes  of  prophets  m  Israel:  the  true 
prophets,  like  Elijah  and  Micaiah,  who  saw  clearly  the 
will  of  Jehovah  and  acted  accordingly;  and  the  so- 
called  false  prophets,  who  likewise  prophesied  in  the 
name  of  Jehovah,  but  who  had  no  divinely  given  mes- 
sage. It  was  this  latter  class  which  subsequently 
undermined  the  influence  of  the  true  prophets  by  de- 
stroying all  confidence  in  the  prophetic  word.  Among 
the  more  faithful  sons  of  the  prophets,  Elijah's  message 
to  Israel  must  have  met  with  the  readiest  response.  As 
in  the  days  of  Samuel,  they  proved  a  political  as  well 
as  a  religious  force.  Elijah's  successor,  Elisha,  assisted 
them  in  their  building  operations,  helped  them  in  ad- 
versity, and  stood  toward  them  in  the  relation  of  patron 
(11.  Kings  vi.  1-7;  iv.  1-7,  38-41;  v.  22).     In  them 


ELISHA'S  MESSAGE  TO  JEHU  65 

he  found  in  turn  that  support  which  was  absolutely 
necessary  if  Baalism  was  to  be  overthrown. 

63.  For  more  than  a  decade  after  the  death  of  Ahab, 
his  family  continued  undisturbed  on  the  throne  of 
Israel.  The  author  of  Kings  declares  that  Joram  made 
a  movement  toward  reform  by  ''putting  away  the  pillar 
of  Baal  which  his  father  had  made,"  but  there  was  no 
essential  change  in  the  religious  policy  of  tlie  nation. 
Baalism  was  still  openly  tolerated,  and  Jezebel  exer- 
cised her  old  influence.  Meantime  the  resentment  of 
the  people,  kindled  by  the  injustice  against  Naboth, 
and  the  zeal  of  the  prophets,  jealous  for  Jehovah,  in- 
creased until  it  was  ready  to  burst  into  a  fierce  flame. 
Elisha  was  the  one  who  applied  the  torch.  On  a  cer- 
tain day  about  842  b.  c,  when  the  Israelitish  army  were 
carrying  on  the  war  with  the  Arameans,  intrenched  at 
Ramoth-Gilead,  he  called  one  of  the  sons  of  the  proph- 
ets, and  despatched  him  on  a  secret  mission  to  the  army. 
Joram,  the  Idng,  had  returned  to  Jezreel  wounded,  and 
so  the  messenger  on  his  arrival  was  ushered  into  the 
presence  of  the  captains  of  the  host.  Disregarding  the 
rest,  he  addressed  himself  directly  to  one  of  them,  a 
certain  Jehu,  saying,  "I  have  an  errand  to  thee,  O 
Captain."  As  soon  as  the  two  were  alone  the  pro- 
phetic messenger,  in  accordance  with  Elisha's  com- 
mand, poured  the  oil,  with  which  he  was  provided,  on 
Jehu's  head,  declaring  that  Jehovah  had  anointed  him 
king  over  Israel,  and  immediately  fled.  The  spirit  of 
rebellion  was  in  the  air,  and  the  act  was  so  full  of  sig- 
nificance that  when  Jehu  rejoined  his  fellow  ofiicers 
they  inquired  at  once  the  reason  of  the  strange  visit 
of  this  fanatic.  At  first  he  attempted  to  turn  them  off, 
but  they  refused  to  be  deceived.     Then  in  his  blunt 

5 


66  A   HISTORY   OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

fashion  Jehu  announced  that  he  had  been  anointed 
king.  The  details  of  the  narrative  suggest  that  tliis 
was  only  the  launching  of  a  conspiracy  previously 
arranged.  Conditions  certainly  were  ripe.  Stripping 
off  their  outer  garments,  his  fellow  officers  cast  them 
down  upon  the  steps  beneath  Jehu's  feet,  and  with 
trumpet-blast  proclaimed  him  king. 

64.  Elisha  made  no  mistake  in  the  choice  of  a  man 
to  overthrow  the  house  of  Omri.  Energy  and  crafti- 
ness were  in  him,  combined  with  a  certain  reckless- 
ness, which  found  popidar  expression  in  the  saying, 
"  He  drives  like  Jehu."  Impetuous,  fearless,  regard- 
less of  life,  he  Avas  fitted  alike  to  lead  a  cavalry 
charge  or  a  dangerous  revolution.  He  had  also  lis- 
tened to  Elijah  as  he  pronounced  the  awful  curse 
upon  the  house  of  Ahab,  so  that  he  regarded  the 
reigning  family  as  doomed,  and  himself  as  a  messenger 
sent  by  Jehovah  to  execute  his  judgment.  His  ambi- 
tion and  fanaticism  needed  no  further  encouragement. 
Leaving  the  officers  and  army  behind,  with  strict  in- 
junctions that  no  one  should  be  allowed  to  bear  the 
news  of  the  conspiracy  to  the  court,  he  himself  set  out 
in  hot  haste  across  the  Jordan  and  up  over  the  plain 
of  Jezreel,  which  leads  to  the  northern  capital.  When 
Joram,  the  wounded  king,  learned  from  the  watchman 
that  a  company  was  approaching,  he  despatched  a 
horseman  to  meet  them,  to  learn  whether  their  mission 
was  a  peaceful  one.  Jehu,  grimly  commanding  the 
messenger  to  fall  behind,  rode  on  furiousl}^  A  second 
horseman  was  sent  out  with  the  same  result.  Soon  he 
was  near  enough  for  the  watchman  on  the  battlements 
of  the  palace  to  perceive  from  his  driving  that  it  was 
Jehu.     Recognizing  that  he  came  on  important  busi- 


JEHU'S  DESTRUCTIVE  ZEAL  67 

ness  and  not  suspecting  a  conspiracy,  the  king  set  out 
to  meet  him,  accompanied  by  Ahaziah,  his  cousin,  the 
king  of  Judah,  who  was  visiting  him  at  the  time. 
Jehu's  reply  to  his  salutation  led  him  to  fear  treachery. 
As  he  tm-ned  to  flee  with  Ahaziah  he  fell  to  the  bot- 
tom of  his  chariot,  pierced  through  the  heart  by  an 
arrow  from  Jehu's  bow.  In  remembrance  of  Elijah's 
prophecy  against  Ahab  (sect.  53),  the  revolutionist  com- 
manded his  faithful  follower,  Bidkar,  to  cast  the  body 
upon  the  land  secured  by  foul  means  from  Naboth 
the  Jezreelite. 

65,  Jehu's  fierce  zeal  against  the  house  of  Ahab 
led  him  to  pursue  the  fleeing  king  of  Judah  across 
the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  to  command  his  followers 
to  slay  him.  Near  Ibleam  Ahaziah  received  a  mortal 
wound,  from  which  he  died  at  the  famous  old  fortress 
of  Megiddo.  Jezebel  was  the  next  victim  of  Jehu's 
destructive  hate.  Attiring  herself  in  all  her  finery, 
she  met  him  with  the  taunting  words,  "  Is  it  peace, 
thou  Zimri,  thy  master's  murderer  ?  "  Without  reply- 
ing, he  commanded  the  eunuchs  in  attendance  to  throw 
her  down  tlirough  the  window.  The  order  was  imme- 
diately executed,  and  the  fierce  conspirator  drove  his 
chariot  horses  over  her  body.  When  he  at  last  gave 
orders  to  his  servants  to  bury  the  aged  queen,  it  was 
found  that  the  dogs  had  further  fulfilled  the  prophecy 
of  Elijah,  and  devoured  the  body. 

66.  Having  exterminated  the  representatives  of  the 
reigning  family  at  Jezreel,  Jehu  next  turned  to  Samaria, 
where  were  seventy  of  the  descendants  of  the  hated 
Ahab.  To  the  elders  of  the  city  and  the  guardians  of 
the  young  princes  he  sent  an  ironical  letter,  suggesting 
that   they  elect  one  of    their   royal  wards   king  and 


68  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

defend  him  if  they  could.  It  awakened  the  response 
anticipated.  In  terror  they  submitted,  and  expressed 
their  readiness  to  do  whatever  Jehu  should  command. 
He  forthwith  demanded  the  heads  of  the  princes. 
When  these  were  received  at  Jezreel,  he  caused  them 
to  be  piled  up  at  the  city  gate,  as  a  gory  proof  of  the 
complicity  of  the  elders  of  Samaria  in  this  wholesale 
slaughter.  Forty-two  of  the  princes  of  the  royal 
house  of  Judah,  whom  Jehu  overtook  near  Samaria, 
were  mercilessly  put  to  death.  His  thirst  for  blood 
was  not  satisfied  until  the  nobles,  favorites,  and  priests 
of  Ahab  were  all  slain.  According  to  the  narrative 
preserved  in  II.  Kings  x.  17-28,  a  large  number  of 
the  followers  of  Baal  shared  the  same  fate. 

67.  By  this  revolution  the  house  of  Ornri  was  com- 
pletely exterminated,  and  the  danger  that  Baalism 
would  gradually  supplant  the  worship  of  Jehovah  for- 
ever averted;  but  at  a  terrible  cost.  The  blood,  so 
ruthlessly  shed  at  this  time,  w^eakened  Israel  to  such 
an  extent  that  for  the  next  half-century  it  ^vas  forced 
to  maintain  an  almost  hopeless  struggle  for  existence. 
Even  though  the  evil  was  great,  it  hardly  justified  the 
means  employed  to  remove  it.  Either  Elisha  and  the 
prophets  who  favored  it  were  deceived  .as  to  the  charac- 
ter of  Jehu,  or  else  had  not  yet  learned  that  the  cause 
of  truth  is  not  permanently  advanced  by  intrigue  and 
bloodshed.  Amos  and  Hosea,  looking  back  from  the 
vantage-point  of  the  next  century,  condemned  this 
revolution,  declaring,  in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  "  I  will 
visit  the  blood  of  Jezreel  upon  the  house  of  Jehu" 
(Hosea  i.  4;  Amos  vii.  9).  The  sword,  thus  fanati- 
cally unsheathed  in  the  name  of  religion,  was  destined 
to  be  repeatedly  used  by  friends  and  foes  of  Jehovah 


CONSEQUENCES  OF  JEHU'S  REVOLUTION  69 

witli  the  same  deplorable  effects.  Jehu  proved  himself 
to  be  little  more  than  an  unscrupulous  adventurer 
who  improved  a  favorable  opportunity  to  further  his 
own  interests.  From  him  the  cause  of  the  pui-e  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah  could  expect  little  real  assistance. 
He  rooted  out  Baalism,  but  in  its  place  he  only  restored 
the  half-heathenish  bull  worship  of  Jeroboam. 

68.  At  the  same  time  this  great  prophetic  revolu- 
tion established  a  principle,  enunciated  in  the  earlier 
days  and  potent  at  the  division  of  the  Hebrew  empire 
(sect.  26),  which  determined  to  a  great  extent  the  char- 
acter of  the  history  of  Judah  as  v/ell  as  Israel.  It  was 
that  for  which  Elijah  contended :  "  If  Jehovah  be  God, 
follow  him."  Practically  interpreted,  this  meant  that 
under  no  conditions  should  the  god  of  a  foreign  na- 
tion be  recognized  within  the  land  of  Jehovah ;  hence 
alliances  between  Israel  and  other  peoples  were  forever 
impossible.  Thus  at  this  time  was  virtually  instituted 
that  complete  separation,  so  jealously  guarded  by 
prophets,  and  later  by  priests,  which  made  the  Hebrews 
a  holy  (in  its  original  sense  of  '*  separate  ")  nation,  and 
wliich  appears  even  to-day  in  the  sharp  line  of  demarca- 
tion drawn  between  the  Jew  and  the  Gentile. 


Ill 

ISRAEL  UKDEK  THE  EULE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  JEHU 

69.  The  bloody  waves  of  revolution  which  about 
the  middle  of  the  ninth  century  B.  c.  swept  in  quick 
succession  over  the  two  Hebrew  kingdoms,  also  af- 
fected Damascus.  Even  before  Jehu  raised  his  hand 
against  the  house  of  Omri,  Hazael  improved  the  op= 
portunity,  afforded  by  the  illness  of  his  master,  the 
aged  warrior,  Benhadad  II.,  to  mount  the  throne  by 
murdering  liim.  Although  Damascus  was  beset  by 
strong  and  active  foes,  the  usurper  succeeded,  by  his 
energy  and  military  powers,  in  raising  it  to  a  more 
commanding  position  than  it  had  enjoyed  under  his 
predecessor.  Jehu  of  Israel,  however,  possessed  little 
of  the  ability  of  his  northern  rival,  whose  example  he 
had  imitated.  The  blood  which  he  so  freely  shed  in 
establishing  his  undisputed  sway  was  that  of  the  mili- 
taiy  class  who  had  rallied  about  Ahab.  Israel  was 
divided  into  antagonistic  parties,  and  the  prophetic  con- 
servatives who  had  supported  him  had  little  interest  in 
war.  The  biblical  historian  passes  over  the  events  of 
his  reign  with  a  brevity  which  is  ominous.  We  are 
not  surprised,  therefore,  to  learn  from  the  inscriptions 
of  the  AssjT-ian  conqueror,  Shalmaneser  II.,  that  he 
received  the  tribute  of  ''  Jehu,  son  of  Omri,"  together 

70 


EARLY  ASSYRIAN  INVASIONS  71 

with  that  of  Tyre  and  Sidon.  On  the  Black  Obelisk 
also  the  ambassadors  of  Jehu  are  pictured  bearing  gifts 
of  silver  and  gold  to  the  great  king.  The  date  of  the 
campaign  thus  commemorated  is  842  b.  c,  probably 
soon  after  the  accession  of  Jehu.  The  Assyrian  army 
does  not  appear  to  have  actually  invaded  the  terri- 
tory of  Israel ;  hence  the  tribute  was  sent  by  Jehu  in 
the  hope  of  strengthening  liis  position  by  securing 
the  favor  of  the  Assyrians ;  but  he  was  doomed  to 
disappointment. 

70.  In  this  same  campaign  Shalmaneser  met  and  de- 
feated the  army  of  Hazael  near  Mount  Senir,  a  north- 
ern spur  of  Hermon.  The  camp  of  the  Arameans, 
with  eleven  hundred  and  twenty-one  chariots  and  four 
hundred  and  seventy  horses,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
conqueror.  The  territory  from  the  mountains  of  the 
Haui'an  to  the  gates  of  Damascus  was  laid  waste, 
but  the  capital  itself  offered  a  successful  resistance. 
Three  years  later  Shalmaneser  again  invaded  the 
land  of  Hazael,  capturing  four  cities  and  receiving  the 
tribute  of  Tyre  and  Sidon.  This  campaign,  however, 
was  not  so  extensive  as  the  preceding,  and  the  name 
of  Jehu  is  not  found  among  the  kings  who  then 
paid  tribute.  Shalmaneser  retired  without  having 
broken  the  power  of  Damascus.  For  the  next  thirty- 
five  years  Palestine  enjoyed  immunity  from  Assyrian 
invasion.  The  latter  days  of  the  great  conqueror, 
Shalmaneser  II.,  were  darkened  by  a  serious  revolt 
headed  by  his  oldest  son.  It  was  finally  put  down; 
but  his  successor,  Shamshi-Ramman  II.,  was  so  busily 
occupied  in  consolidating  the  disorganized  empire  that 
he  found  no  time  for  foreign  conquests. 

71.  This  period  of  Assyrian  inactivity  Hazael  im- 


72  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

proved  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  his  kingdom. 
Israel,  being  the  hereditary  enemy  of  Damascus,  was 
naturally  the  first  victim.  Jehu,  who  had  vainly 
sought  deliverance  by  calling  upon  the  common  en- 
emy, Assyria,  bitterly  atoned  for  his  mistake.  The 
territory  of  Israel  east  of  the  Jordan,  and  that  of  Moab 
as  far  as  the  Anion,  were  overrun  and  made  subject  to 
Damascus  (II.  Kings  x.  32,  33).  These  conquests  of 
Hazael  were  characterized  by  extreme  cruelty.  The 
men  in  the  conquered  towns  were  pitilessly  slain,  the 
little  children  dashed  in  pieces,  and  the  women  sub- 
jected to  the  most  brutal  indignities  (II.  Kings  viii. 
12 ;  Amos  i.  3,  4).  The  Philistine  town  of  Gath  was 
also  captured  by  the  armies  of  Hazael.  To  reach  this 
point  they  were  obliged  to  cross  the  plain  of  Esdi'aelon, 
which  they  probably  did  as  conquerors.  Judah  was 
likewise  invaded,  and  Jerusalem  was  saved  only  by 
the  payment  of  heavy  tribute.  During  the  reign  of 
Jehu's  son,  Jehoahaz,  the  old  empire  of  David  was 
completely  dominated  by  Damascus.  In  the  graphic 
language  of  the  author  of  Kings,  the  people  of  Israel 
were  ground  down  under  the  heel  of  the  conqueror 
until  they  were  made  "  like  the  dust  in  thresliing." 
Their  fighting  force  was  reduced  to  fifty  horsemen, 
ten  chariots,  and  ten  thousand  footmen.  Their  old 
foes,  the  Philistines,  Moabites,  and  Edomites,  took  ad- 
vantage of  their  weakness  to  invade  their  territory  for 
the  purpose  of  pillage  and  plunder,  wreaking  their 
hatred  upon  the  defenceless,  and  carrying  away  the 
inhabitants  to  sell  them  into  slavery  (II.  Kings  xiii. 
20,  21 ;  Amos  i.  6-15).  Drought,  pestilence,  and  fam- 
ine completed  their  work  of  desolation  (Amos  iv. 
6-11). 


ISRAEL'S  HUMILIATION  BY  DAMASCUS  73 

72.  To  this  period  of  Israel's  greatest  humiliation 
probably  belongs  the  Elisha  narrative  in  II.  Kings 
vi.  24-vii.  20.  It  certainly  has  no  internal  relation- 
ship with  the  context  (compare  vi.  23  and  viii.  1). 
Being  a  popular  tradition,  it  unfortunately  does  not 
preserve  the  name  of  the  king  of  Israel.  The  com- 
piler of  Kings,  evidently  considering  that  the  Aramean 
king  referred  to  was  Benhadad  II.,  who  figured  so 
prominently  in  Ahab's  wars,  assigned  the  narrative 
to  its  present  position.  More  probably  the  invader 
was  Benhadad  III.,  the  son  of  Hazael,  who  carried  on 
his  wars  against  Israel  with  the  same  energy  as  his 
older  namesake  (II.  Kings  xiii.  3).  The  later  period 
also  furnishes  the  only  satisfactory  background  for 
the  events  recorded.  The  territory  of  Israel  was 
completely  overrun  by  the  armies  of  Damascus.  Its 
king  was  closely  besieged  within  his  capital,  Samaria. 
Famine  had  done  its  work  until  the  most  unattractive 
food  was  selling  for  a  fabulous  sum.  The  common 
people,  wild  with  hunger  and  despair,  were  even  eat- 
ing their  own  offspring.  There  seemed  absolutely  no 
hope  of  deliverance.  Israel  was  on  the  verge  of  com- 
plete subjection. 

73.  Under  the  rule  of  the  house  of  Jehu,  the  influ- 
ence of  the  prophet  Elisha  in  the  court  was  very  strong. 
The  old  antagonism  between  king  and  prophet  was 
for  a  time  set  aside.  Elisha's  position  and  personal 
ability  made  him  the  chief  adviser  of  the  realm. 
Samaria's  prolonged  resistance  was  evidently  due  to 
his  counsels,  for  when  the  king  learned  of  the  appall- 
ing conditions  within  the  city  he  swore  that  it  should 
cost  the  prophet  his  head.  According  to  the  narrative, 
Elisha  met  this  crisis  with  an  assurance  equalled  only 


74  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

by  that  of  the  great  Isaiah  in  strikingly  similar  circum- 
stances (sect.  152).  Confidently  he  asserted  :  '-'  Thus 
saith  the  Lord,  To-morrow  about  this  time  shall  a  meas- 
ure of  fine  flour  be  sold  for  a  shekel,  and  two  measures 
of  barley  for  a  shekel  in  the  gate  of  Samaria."  Before 
the  dawn  of  the  next  day  four  Hebrew  lepers,  who 
had  turned  in  desperation  to  the  Aramean  camp,  came 
with  the  report  that  it  w^as  deserted.  Subsequent 
investigation  demonstrated  that  the  enemy  had  re- 
treated in  wild  confusion.  The  cause  of  their  panic 
was  the  rumor  that  the  king  of  Israel  had  hired  cer- 
tain allies  to  attack  them.  According  to  the  accepted 
English  translation,  these  were  the  Hittites  and  Egyp= 
tians.  This  may  be  only  the  popular  Israelitish  ac- 
count of  the  event,  while  the  real  enemies  w^ere  the 
AssjTians.  The  Hebrew  word  translated  "Egyp- 
tians "  may,  however,  with  equal  propriety  be  identi- 
fied with  the  Musre,  who  lived  to  the  north  of  the 
modern  Syria  and  who  are  referred  to  several  times  in 
the  Assyrian  historical  inscriptions.  If  Ave  accept  this 
translation,  the  reference  is  at  once  relieved  of  many  of 
its  difficulties,  since  the  land  of  the  Musre  was  near 
that  of  the  Hittites,  and  a  union  between  them  against 
their  hereditary  enemies,  the  Arameans,  is  by  no  means 
incredible. 

74.  Israel  would  in  time  have  been  completely 
absorbed  by  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Damascus,  and 
its  independent  national  life  extinguished,  had  not 
relief  come  from  an  unexpected  quarter.  The  Book  of 
Kings  declares  that  "the  Lord  gave  Israel  a  savior, 
so  that  they  went  out  from  under  the  hand  of  the 
Arameans  "  (II.  Kings  xiii.  5).  From  the  monuments 
we  learn  that  that  savior   was   Assyria.      Kamman- 


CAPTURE   OF  DAMASCUS  BY   ASSYRIA  75 

nirari,  the  successor  of  Shamshi-Ramman,  was  animated 
by  the  ambitions  of  his  predecessors.  His  reign  of 
twenty-four  years  was  filled  with  a  series  of  conquests. 
As  a  result  he  extended  the  boundaries  of  Assyria  in 
every  direction  until  in  the  northeast  it  touched  the 
Caspian  Sea,  and  on  the  west  the  Mediterranean. 
About  800  B.  c,  Tyre,  Sidon,  Philistia,  and  Edom 
were  reduced  to  subjection.  The  kingdom  of  Damas- 
cus was  the  most  important  of  his  western  conquests. 
The  city  itself  was  besieged  and  captured,  and  vast 
plunder  taken.  Its  king  —  who  is  called  in  the  in- 
scriptions "  Mari,"  the  Aramaic  for  "  Lord  "  —  and 
its  people  became  vassals  of  Assyria.  The  "  Land  of 
Omri "  (Israel)  is  also  reckoned  among  the  conquered 
states.  With  the  aid  of  the  geographical  lists  it  is 
possible  to  trace  the  campaign  of  Ramman-nirari  to 
the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  which  at  the  time  must  have 
constituted  the  northern  limits  of  Israel.  Broken  as  it 
was  by  Aramean  oppression,  its  ready  submission  to 
the  great  king  was  assured.  It,  therefore,  bent  before 
the  storm,  while  Damascus,  the  stronger  state,  was 
shattered. 

75.  Joash,  the  son  of  Jehoahaz,  came  to  the  throne 
of  Israel  about  797  b.  c,  which  was  the  date  of  the 
final  conquest  of  Damascus.  His  accession  marks  a 
decided  turn  in  the  tide  of  Israel's  fortunes.  He  con- 
ducted three  successful  campaigns  against  his  old  op- 
pressor, and  recovered  from  Damascus  the  Israelitish 
towns  which  had  been  captured  in  the  former  wars 
(II.  Kings  xiii.  17-19,  25).  Amaziah  of  Judah,  who 
rashly  ventured  to  challenge  him,  met  with  a  signal 
defeat  at  Bethshemesh,  and  was  made  to  pay  dearly  for 
his  folly.     Jeroboam  II.,  Avho  came  to  the  throne  of 


76  A   HISTORY  OE   THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

Israel  about  780  B.  c,  inherited  the  energy  as  well  as 
the  fruits  of  the  victories  of  his  father,  Joasli.  For  a 
half-century  also  Palestine  ^yas  relieved  from  the  de- 
structive attacks  of  AssjTia.  Shalmaneser  III.,  who 
succeeded  the  great  conqueror  Ramman-nirari,  was 
himself  obliged  to  assume  the  defensive.  Under  a 
native  prince,  the  Armenians,  whose  home  was  among 
the  mountains  in  the  north,  became  so  formidable 
that  they  not  only  threw  off  the  yoke,  but  also  thi'eat- 
ened  the  independence  of  Assyria.  During  the  tw^o 
succeeding  reigns  frequent  revolts  and  outbreaks  of 
pestilence  exhausted  still  further  the  resources  of  the 
empire.  The  vassal  states  availed  themselves  of  its 
weakness  to  renounce  their  allegiance.  Among  the 
first  to  do  this  were  the  principalities  of  Palestine. 

76.  During  this  period  of  freedom  from  foreign  at- 
tack, Jeroboam  II.  pushed  the  boundaries  of  Israel  to 
their  farthest  limits.  The  territory  of  her  old  rivals, 
the  Moabites,  was  reconquered.  Damascus  was  too 
much  weakened  to  offer  effectual  resistance.  The 
sway  of  Israel  extended  from  the  Arabah,  on  the 
southeastern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  to  Hamath,  between 
the  Lebanons  (II.  Kings  xiv.  25 ,  Amos  vi.  14). 
Judah's  territory  was  correspondingly  expanded,  so 
that,  excepting  in  the  northeast,  the  ancient  empire  of 
David  Avas  again  under  the  rule  of  the  Hebrews. 
Commerce  also  sprang  up,  bringing  to  the  Israelites 
wealth  unheard  of  since  the  days  of  Solomon.  The 
marvellous  natural  resources  of  Israel  were  allowed  for 
the  first  time  to  assert  themselves.  This  growth  in 
property  was  as  sudden  as  it  was  great.  The  nation 
which  was  trembling  a  generation  before  on  the  verge 
of  anniliilation  had  become  a  dominant  power  in  the 


ISRAEL'S  INDIAN  SUMMER  77 

Palestinian  world.  The  reaction  naturally  induced  a 
spirit  of  over-confidence  in  king  and  people.  What 
was  only  Indian  summer  was  believed  to  be  the  dawn 
of  a  golden  era.  In  reality  Assyria  was  only  slumber- 
ing. When  Damascus  fell,  the  last  barrier  which 
protected  the  Israelites  from  this  all-absorbing  world- 
power  was  tlu'own  down;  the  enemy  was  at  their 
doors. 


IV 

THE  PEOPHETS   AMOS   AND  HOSEA 

77.  At  this  supreme  crisis  in  Israel's  liistoiy  a  new- 
type  of  prophet  appeared,  with  a  new  and  a  nobler 
message.  Already  the  house  of  Jehu  had  broken 
loose  from  the  principles  laid  dowai  by  the  prophets 
who  had  called  its  founder  to  the  throne.  Doubtless 
there  were  many  of  the  so-called  prophets  of  Jehovah 
who  stood  high  in  royal  favor,  since  they,  like  the  four 
hundred  (sect.  49),  prophesied  according  to  the  mil  of 
their  human  rather  than  their  divine  King ;  but  these 
were  only  imitations  of  the  real.  The  distinctions 
between  the  true  and  false  prophets  were,  however, 
not  absolutely  established.  They  were  determined  by 
the  purity  of  the  ideal  revealed  to  each,  and  the 
steadfastness  with  which  he  adliered  to  it. 

78.  During  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II.  there  filled 
the  souls  of  certain  great  prophets  an  ideal  of  national 
righteousness  so  exalted  that  they  could  only  condemn 
the  existing  conditions.  Reconciliation  between  their 
claims  upon  the  nation  and  the  policy  of  the  reigning 
family  w^as  impossible.  Unlike  the  earlier  prophets, 
rejecting  political  intrigue  and  force,  they  depended 
entirely  upon  the  truth  of  their  w^ords  for  their  accep- 
tance. At  the  same  time  they  did  not  appeal  to  the 
fanaticism  of  the  masses.     Unfortunately  they  spoke 

78 


THE  NEW  TYPE   OF  PROPHET  79 

in  an  age  when  the  authority  of  the  prophets  with  the 
people  was  being  rapidly  destroyed  by  the  lying  mes- 
sages of  their  false  colleagues.  The  demands  of  this 
new  class  of  prophets  were  so  unfamiliar,  and  the 
principles  which  they  annunciated  so  different  from 
those  generally  accepted,  that  they  were  at  first  re- 
garded only  with  suspicion.  To  be  a  true  prophet 
during  the  Assyrian  period  required  unflinching  cour- 
age and  unceasing  patience  as  well  as  a  soul  open  wide 
to  divine  truth.  Recognizing  that  they  could  reach 
only  a  limited  number  by  their  voice,  and  desiring  to 
give  a  permanence  to  their  work,  the  prophets  began 
regularly  to  commit  their  sermons  to  writing.  This  in 
itself  represents  a  most  significant  transition.  Only  a 
few  words,  preserved  in  the  historical  narratives,  were 
handed  down  to  succeeding  generations  from  the  lips 
of  the  great  prophets  who  had  moulded  Israel  in  the 
preceding  ages.  From  this  time  on,  writing  became 
common  among  the  Hebrev/s.  Prophetic  teaching,  as 
a  result,  took  more  definite  form.  It  also  became 
cumulative,  since  each  succeeding  prophet  built  upon 
the  foundations  laid  by  liis  predecessors. 

79.  Isaiah  incorporates  in  chapters  xv.  and  xvi. 
a  citation  from  an  earlier  prophecy  against  Moab. 
Tradition  assigns  it,  on  very  insufficient  grounds,  to 
Jonah,  the  son  of  Amittai,  who  prophesied  the  suc- 
cesses of  Jeroboam  II.  (II.  Kings  xiv.  25).  Others  also 
must  have  preceded  Amos,  but  he  is  the  first  prophet 
whose  prophecy  and  name  are  preserved  together  in 
the  Old  Testament.  Although  his  message  was  to  the 
northern  kingdom,  he  was  a  native  of  Judah.  The 
town  of  Tekoa,  perched  on  a  high  hill  about  six  miles 
south  of  Bethlehem,  was  his  home  (Amos  i.  1).     Im- 


80  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

mediately  on  the  east  begins  the  wilderness  of  Tekoa, 
which  extends  toward  the  Dead  Sea,  twelve  miles  dis- 
tant. The  life  of  ithe  town,  therefore,  retained  the 
pastoral  simplicity  of  the  earlier  days.  Amos  himself 
was  one  of  the  herdsmen  of  Tekoa.  The  Hebrew 
word  indicates  that  he  watched  small  animals,  such  as 
sheep  and  goats.  The  prophet  also  adds  that  he  was  a 
"  dresser  of  sycamore  trees  "  (vii.  14),  probably  at  the 
proper  season  piercing  their  fruit  that  it  might  ripen 
so  as  to  be  utilized  as  food  by  the  poor,  who  could 
secure  nothing  more  palatable.  Hence  his  occupation 
was  the  humblest.  His  surroundings  were  all  pastoral 
and  agricultui'al.  His  prophecy  also  abounds  in 
figures  drawn  from  the  simple  life  of  the  country. 
At  the  same  time  he  betrays  a  familiarity  with  lands 
outside  Judah,  which  must  have  been  the  result  of  per- 
sonal observation.  The  peculiar  location  of  Samaria 
and  the  conditions  within  Israel's  capital  were  well 
known  to  him  (iii.  9,  10).  His  references  to  the  sur- 
rounding nations  reveal  an  intimate  acquaintance  with 
them  (i.,  ii.).  The  graphic  allusion  to  the  rising  and 
falling  of  Egypt's  river  suggests  that  this  shepherd- 
prophet  had  sometime  made  a  journey  to  that  wonder- 
land. 

80.  By  environment  and  observation,  therefore,  this 
earnest  man  of  Judah  was  prepared  for  his  great  mis- 
sion. He  does  not  tell  us  when  or  how  it  was  that 
"  Jehovah  took  him  from  following  the  flock  and  said 
unto  him,  ^  Go  prophesy  unto  my  people  Israel '  " 
(vii.  15).  Perhaps  it  gradually  dawned  upon  his 
slowly  awakening  spiritual  consciousness.  The  fact 
remains  that  when  —  about  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
century  B.  c.  —  one  festal  day  he  began  to  preach  to 


APPEARANCE  OF  AMOS  AT  BETHEL  81 

the  crowds  of  Israelites  who  gathered  at  their  great 
national  sanctuary,  Bethel,  he  was  absolutely  certain 
of  his  God-given  commission.  To  their  angry,  sus- 
picious looks,  inquiring  what  right  he,  a  rude  Judean 
shepherd,  had  to  condemn  them,  he  replied :  "  You 
certainly  will  agree  that  a  lion  does  not  roar  in  the 
forest  when  it  hath  no  prey,  and  that  a  bird  does  not 
fall  into  a  snare  where  none  has  been  set;  in  other 
words,  that  nothing  unusual  occurs  without  a  corre- 
sponding cause;  consequently,  my  presence  here  is 
conclusive  evidence  that  I  was  sent.  On  the  other 
hand,  —  I  appeal  to  you  who  recall  the  awful  wars 
with  Damascus  —  Is  the  trumpet,  announcing  that  the 
enemy  is  near,  ever  blown  without  the  people  being 
afraid  ?  Every  sufheient  cause  produces  a  correspond- 
ing effect.  You  all  believe  that  when  evil  comes  to  a 
city,  it  is  the  Lord  who  sends  it.  Furthermore,  you 
know  that  God  does  nothing  which  he  does  not  reveal 
unto  his  servants  the  prophets.  When  the  Lord  God 
speaks  to  a  prophet,  as  he  has  to  me,  you  must  know 
that  prophet  can  do  nothing  but  prophesy  "  (iii.  3-8). 
81.  Coming  thus,  a  foreigner  without  introduction, 
to  sing  in  the  ears  of  a  self-satisfied,  prosperous  people 
the  death-dirge,  *'  The  virgin  Israel  is  fallen  no  more 
to  rise,"  Amos  showed  marvellous  skill  in  his  opening 
address.  In  a  series  of  short  prophecies,  in  which  the 
recurring  formulas  add  to  the  effectiveness,  he  de- 
nounces the  sins  of  Israel's  enemies,  and  proclaims 
that  at  last  they  have  sinned  beyond  forgiveness,  and 
that,  therefore,  destruction  impends.  This  was  joyful 
news  to  his  hearers.  They  listen  eagerly  ;  but  in  giv- 
ing their  ready  assent  they  unwittingly  subscribed  to 
certain  principles  which  the  prophet  forthwith  applied 


82  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

to  their  own  case  with  awful  effectiveness.  His  logic 
was  so  unassailable,  and  their  iniquities  which  he 
denounced  so  patent,  that  the  rulers  and  priests  of  the 
proud  royal  sanctuary  were  obliged  to  listen  without 
interru^otion,  until  at  last  he  declared,  "  The  sanc- 
tuaries of  Israel  shall  be  laid  waste ;  and  I  will  rise 
against  the  house  of  Jeroboam  with  the  sword" 
(vii.  9).  This  gave  an  opportunity  for  a  charge  of 
blasphemy  and  treason,  wliich  Amaziah,  the  priest  of 
Bethel,  hastened  to  improve.  "  Amos  hath  conspired 
against  thee  in  the  midst  of  the  house  of  Israel ;  the 
land  is  not  able  to  bear  all  his  words.  For  thus  Amos 
saith,  Jeroboam  shall  die  by  the  sword,  and  Israel  shall 
surely  be  led  away  captive  out  of  the  land "  (vii.  10, 
11),  was  the  message,  half  truth,  half  falsehood,  which 
he  sent  to  Jeroboam.  Either  on  his  own  authority  or 
that  of  the  king,  Amaziah  then  turned  upon  Amos 
with  the  sarcastic  words :  "  O  thou  seer,  go,  flee  thee 
away  into  the  land  of  Judah,  and  there  eat  bread,  and 
prophesy  there ;  but  prophesy  not  again  any  more  at 
Bethel ;  for  it  is  the  king's  sanctuary,  and  it  is  a  royal 
house "  (vii.  12,  13).  Disclaiming  the  implication 
that  he  was  one  of  those  mercenary  prophets  who 
"  declare  war  against  those  who  put  not  bribes  in  their 
mouth  "  (Micah  iii.  5),  he  protested  that  he  was  only 
a  humble  shepherd  whom  Jehovah  called  from  his 
occupation  and  sent  upon  the  present  mission  (vii.  14, 
15).  He  was  compelled  to  depart ;  but  even  as  he 
turned  to  leave  he  took  occasion  to  reiterate  most 
impressively  the  burden  of  his  message:  "Thou  and 
thy  family,  O  Amaziah,  shall  experience  all  the  bitter 
woes  of  conquest,  and  Israel  shall  surely  be  led  away 
captive  out  of  liis  land." 


NATIONALITY  AND  CHARACTER  OF   HOSEA        83 

82.  Amos  returned  to  his  flock.  A  few  of  the  more 
thoughtful  in  Israel  pondered  over  his  solemn  words 
of  warning;  but  the  majority  only  remembered  that 
at  a  certain  feast  at  Bethel  one  of  those  fanatical 
prophets,  betrayed  by  his  accent  and  m.anners  to  be  a 
Judean  shepherd,  had  startled  them  all  for  a  time  by 
his  awful  denunciations,  until  at  last  the  priest, 
Amaziah,  had  silenced  the  mad  fellow.  The  truth, 
however,  which  had  once  found  expression  could  not 
be  long  silenced.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
of  Jeroboam,  Hosea,  the  son  of  Beeri,  also  began  to 
preach  to  his  countrymen.  His  reference  to  "our 
king  "  (vii.  5),  who  must  have  been  one  of  the  rulers 
of  Israel,  his  familiarity  with  the  geography  and  his- 
tory, and,  above  all,  the  loyal  love  for  the  northern 
kingdom  which  he  shows  in  every  utterance,  indicate 
beyond  question  that,  unlike  Amos,  he  was  a  citizen 
of  the  greater  Hebrew  state.  His  illustrations  and 
references  suggest  that  his  home  was  in  a  large  town 
or  city.  From  his  familiarity  with  the  early  traditions 
of  his  people  (i.  4 ;  viii.  14 ;  x.  6,  9,  10 ;  xi.  1 ;  xii. 
12 ;  xiii.  4),  it  may  be  inferred  that  he  was  a  careful 
student  of  its  history.  The  style  and  thought  of  his 
prophecies  reveal  a  loving,  sympathetic  nature,  sensi- 
tive and  tender  as  that  of  a  woman.  His  feelings  are 
often  so  deep  that  they  only  find  utterance  in  broken 
and  disconnected  sentences.  His  logic  is  that  of  the 
emotions  and  intuitions  rather  than  of  reason. 

83.  From  the  allusions  contained  in  the  first  three 
chapters  of  his  prophecy,  it  is  possible  to  reconstruct 
the  outlines  of  his  sad  private  history.  Like  many 
other  prophets,  in  response  to  the  promptings  of  true 
affection,  he  took  to  himself  as  wife  a  woman  by  the 


84  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

name  of  Gomer,  the  daughter  of  Diblaim.  He  believed 
that  she  would  faithfully  return  the  strong  love  which 
he  felt  toward  her ;  but  later  experience  proved  that 
she,  like  so  many  of  the  Israelitish  women  of  that  age, 
was  indeed  one  of  "  the  daughters  of  whoredom."  Law 
and  custom  permitted  him  to  put  her  away,  but  his 
love  and  the  hope  that  he  could  yet  reclaim  her  led 
him  to  forgive  the  heinous  crime.  Even  after  she  fled 
from  his  home  with  her  paramour,  and  was  finally  put 
up  for  sale  as  a  common  slave,  he  bought  and  restored 
her  to  his  home,  so  darkened  by  her  infamy.  Then  by 
discipline,  which  is  sometimes  the  supreme  proof  of 
love  toward  the  erring,  he  sought  to  lead  her  back  to 
the  path  of  rectitude.  Whether  he  succeeded  or  not, 
he  does  not  add ;  but  these  simple,  sad  facts,  presented 
with  a  purpose,  reveal  the  method  v/hereby  Divine  Love 
spoke  to  Hosea.  His  own  tragic  experience  enabled 
him  to  appreciate  Jehovah's  feeling  toward  apostate 
Israel,  wdiich  he  likewise  had  loved,  called,  forgiven, 
and  finally,  as  a  last  resort,  was  forced  to  punish,  that 
the  people  might  be  led  in  penitence  to  claim  his  for- 
giveness. Hosea  loiew,  as  did  no  other  man  in  Israel, 
the  pain  which  the  sin  of  one  who  is  loved  can  liring  to 
the  heart  of  the  one  loving.  This  explains  why  his  de- 
nunciations of  sinful  Israel  are  unequalled  for  their 
vehemence.  On  the  other  hand,  his  messages  of  divine 
love  and  mercy  are  the  strongest  and  the  tenderest 
uttered  by  Hebrew  prophet.  His  public  as  well  as 
his  private  life  w^as  a  tragedy  of  tragedies,  for  it  was 
his  sad  fate  to  proclaim  saving  truth  to  his  beloved 
nation  and  then  see  it  rapidly  go  down  to  its  ruin, 
simply  because  it  refused  to  listen.  In  this  painful 
school   of   affliction,  however,  Hosea   learned  lessons 


IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  HEBREW  PROPHETS    85 

which  make  his  obscure,  broken  prophecy  the  gospel 
of  the  Old  Testament. 

84.  These  two  prophets  were  despised  and  rejected 
by  their  contemporaries.  Hosea  bitterly  complains 
that  the  prophet  who  denounces  Israel's  sins  is  re- 
garded as  a  fool,  and  the  man  that  hath  a  spirit  as  mad 
(ix.  7).  The  prophet  is  subjected  on  every  side  to 
treacherous  and  murderous  attacks ;  even  in  the  house 
of  his  God  he  does  not  escape  from  the  malignity  of 
his  relentless  foes  (ix.  8).  His  life  was  one  long  mar- 
tyrdom. The  rulers  of  Israel  paid  no  more  heed  to 
the  words  of  Amos  and  Hosea,  than  to  the  barking  of 
the  dogs  without  their  capital  city ;  and  yet  time  has 
proved  that  the  prophets  were  right  and  the  rulers 
wrong.  Unquestionably  they  are  the  most  important 
figures  in  the  last  act  of  Israel's  drama ;  for  the  activ- 
ity of  the  Hebrew  prophets  ultimately  moulded  their 
nation's  history,  and  thereby  distinguished  it  from  that 
of  the  hundred  other  petty  states  which  rose  and  fell, 
and  have  long  since  been  forgotten. 


SOCIETY  AND   MORALS   IN  ISRAEL 

85.  Israel's  sudden  fall  from  the  height  of  pros- 
perity wliich  it  enjoyed  under  Jeroboam  II.  was  not 
entirely  due  to  the  cruelty  of  the  foreign  conqueror. 
To  use  a  prophetic  figure,  the  nation  was  like  an 
attractive  basket  of  rich  tropical  fruit,  dead  ripe  ;  it 
was  fair  to  look  upon,  but  within  were  the  germs  of 
decay,  which  were  destined  in  a  short  time,  under  un- 
favorable conditions,  to  transform  it  into  a  mass  of 
loatlisome  putrefaction  (Amos  viii.  1-3).  The  prophets, 
detecting,  by  the  aid  of  their  enlightened  vision,  these 
insidious  evils,  pointed  them  out  and  at  the  same  time 
suggested  the  remedy.  Amos,  viewing  conditions  in 
Israel  as  a  foreiofner,  directed  his  attention  almost 
exclusively  to  social  questions  ;  Avhile  Hosea,  who  was 
able  to  go  to  the  roots  of  the  nation's  life,  was  con- 
stantly dealing  with  its  morals  and  religion. 

86.  Certain  social  disorders,  to  which  an  Oriental 
community,  organized  like  the  Hebrew  states,  was 
especially  susceptible,  were  constantly  breaking  out  in 
Israel.  The  principles  underlying  the  Hebrew  com- 
monwealth were  essentially  democratic.  During  its 
early  history  questions  of  national  interest  were  set- 
tled  in   a   popular  assembly,  or   in   a   representative 

86 


EFFECTS  OF  ISRAEL'S  WARS  87 

council  of  the  tribal  elders.  The  king  was  chosen  by 
the  people  to  be  their  servant.  Every  free  Israelite  had 
inalienable  rights  which  the  king  must  respect.  Judi- 
cial as  well  as  political  power  was  delegated.  A 
Hebrew  judge,  like  the  sheik  of  a  modern  Bedouin 
tribe,  was  little  more  than  a  referee.  Custom  supplied 
the  place  of  a  constitution  and  legal  code.  Kight  and 
justice  were  therefore  guarded,  not  by  law  and  politi- 
cal organization,  but  by  the  co-operation  of  all  the 
citizens  of  the  community.  Anything  which  destroyed 
the  simple  and  normal  relations  of  its  individual  mem- 
bers shook  the  very  foundations  of  the  state.  Earlier 
prophets  recognized  this  fact.  When  the  old  sim- 
plicity was  threatened  under  Solomon  and  Ahab,  they 
strove  to  maintain  it  at  any  cost,  and  for  the  time  suc- 
ceeded. Tendencies,  however,  were  at  work  which 
the  prophets  with  their  waning  political  influence 
could  no  longer  stay. 

87.  History  proves  that  the  chief  burden  of  a  pro- 
tracted, intense  struggle,  such  as  was  the  v/ar  be^iween 
Israel  and  Damascus,  rests  upon  the  middle  and  poorer 
classes.  Year  after  year,  they  were  obliged  to  go  forth 
for  the  defence  of  their  families,  while  their  little 
estates  were  neglected.  They  returned  to  find  their 
hereditary  lands  consumed  and  themselves  and  families 
reduced  to  slavery.  When  the  tide  of  war  turned  and 
the  spoil  of  conquest  poured  into  Israel,  it  did  not 
materially  relieve  the  poor.  Instead  it  merely  en- 
riched the  military  nobility  which  had  arisen  during 
the  long  years  of  war.  Commerce,  which  sprang  up 
in  a  time  of  peace,  only  added  to  the  wealth  of  the 
already  rich,  increasing  the  distance  between  classes. 
Thus  it  was  that  the  old  simplicity,  so  essential  to  such 


88  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

a  state  as  Israel,  suddenly  disappeared,  and  with  it  the 
middle  class,  who  are  the  main  dependence  of  every 
nation,  leaving  only  the  rich  nobility  and  their  poor 
dependants. 

88.  Unwonted  national  prosperity  aroused  among 
the  rich  and  powerful  in  Israel  a  passion  for  show 
and  luxury  which  was  the  more  striking  because  of 
the  contrast  with  the  simplicity  of  the  earlier  days  and 
the  want  and  penury  which  were  still  the  lot  of  the 
masses.  Great  estates  took  the  place  of  small  hold- 
ings; palaces  of  hewn  stone,  furnished  with  beds  of 
ivory  and  silken  couches,  rose  on  the  land  once  held 
by  the  families  of  those  who  now  were  serfs  (Amos 
iii.  11,  12;  v.  11;  vi.  4).  Their  idle  masters  sought 
far  and  wide  for  the  choicest  morsels  with  which  to 
gratify  their  appetites,  as  they  stretched  themselves 
upon  their  ivory  couches,  singing  idle  songs  to  the 
sound  of  the  viol,  anointing  themselves  with  expen- 
sive ointment  and  engaging  in  shameful  carousals 
(Amos  vi.  1-7).  It  was  a  selfish  luxury  which  led 
those  who  thus  indulofed  themselves  to  disreo^ard  en- 
tirely  the  sacred  duty  which  they  owed  to  their  poorer 
brethren  (Amos  vi.  6).  Instead  it  led  them  to  deeds 
of  inhuman  cruelty,  in  comparison  with  which  the 
barbarity  of  the  heathen  nations  about  them,  which 
they  so  readily  condemned,  could  easily  be  condoned 
(Amos  i.-iii.).  A  poor  debtor,  even  though  he  was 
a  righteous  man  and  his  indebtedness  a  mere  trifle, 
received  not  the  least  mercy  at  their  hands ;  indeed, 
they  exulted  in  the  misery  which  they  brought  upon 
him  (Amos  ii.  6,  7 ;  viii.  4).  Their  chief  delight 
seemed  to  be  to  wrong  the  needy  and  helpless  (Amos 
ii.  7).     Their   palaces  were  filled  with   the  fruits  of 


PUBLIC  AND  PRIVATE  CORRUPTION  89 

their  violence  and  robbery  (Amos  iii.  10).  Even  the 
wives  of  the  nobles,  those  from  whom  mercy  might 
be  expected,  if  from  any  source,  only  "  oppressed  the 
poor  and  crushed  the  needy  "  by  urging  their  husbands 
on  to  greater  exactions,  in  order  to  gratify  their  unholy 
appetites.  The  public  tribunals,  instead  of  being 
sources  of  justice,  were  made  the  instruments  whereby 
the  rulers  extracted  bribes  and  perverted  the  cause 
of  the  poor  and  helpless  (Amos  v.  12).  Under  such 
conditions  there  could  be  no  harmony  between  classes, 
nor  unity  in  the  state.  There  is  a  g3;im  significance 
in  the  message  of  Amaziah  to  the  king  respecting 
Amos's  plain  unveiling  of  Israel's  social  evils  :  "  Amos 
hath  conspired  against  thee  in  the  midst  of  the  house 
of  Israel :  The  land  is  not  able  to  bear  all  his  words." 
Even  the  ruling  class  realized  that  only  a  leader  was 
necessary  to  set  the  much  wronged  masses  into  a  mad 
revolt.  When  such  conditions  existed  mthin  the 
nation,  there  was  no  hope  of  escape  from  the  clutches 
of  the  foreign  foe. 

89.  At  a  later  and  more  degenerate  period,  when 
the  strong  hand  of  Jeroboam  II.  no  longer  guided  the 
state,  Hosea  brought  in  a  still  more  sweeping  indict- 
ment against  Israel :  "  There  is  no  truth,  nor  mercy, 
nor  knowledge  of  God  in  the  land.  There  is  naught 
but  swearing,  and  breaking  faith,  and  killing,  and  steal- 
ing, and  committing  adultery ;  they  break  out,  and 
deeds  of  bloodshed  touch  deeds  of  bloodshed  "  (iv.  1, 
2).  Israel's  crimes  were  those  common  among  all 
peox)les,  but  especially  so  in  the  Orient.  Repeatedly 
Hosea  complains  that  the  people  swear  falsely  in 
making  covenants,  and  that  the  deceit  which  charac- 
terized their  forefather  Jacob  has   not  ceased  to  be 


90  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

the  besetting  sin  of  his  descendants  (x.  4 ;  xi.  12). 
It  found  expression  in  the  false  measures  and  balances 
wliich  Amos  saw  in  the  hands  of  the  merchants  of 
Israel  (viii.  5).  Theft  and  highway  robbery  were 
common  (Hosea  vii.  1).  Rulers,  prophets,  and  priests, 
who  were  the  appointed  guarchans  of  the  people,  con- 
spired together  to  spoil  them  (Hosea  v.  1 ;  iv.  6 ; 
vi.  9).  Anarchy  ruled  unchallenged  (Amos  iii.  9; 
Hosea  vii.  5-7).  In  this  atmosphere,  so  deeply  tainted 
by  the  influence  of  Baalism,  there  flourished  a  gross 
immorality  which  extended  to  all  classes.  The 
daughters  of  Israel  gave  themselves  up  to  the  licen- 
tious practices  attendant  U23on  that  degenerate  cult 
(Hosea  iv.  11-15).  Deeds  of  lewdness,  such  as  would 
have  aroused  public  indignation  even  in  the  barbarous 
days  of  the  judges,  were  of  common  occurrence  (Hosea 
ix.  9 ;  X.  9 :  Judges  xix.).  The  most  sacred  laws  of 
society  were  wantonly  disregarded  (Amos  ii.  7). 

90.  The  virgin  Israel  indeed  had  fallen  so  low  that 
there  was  little  hope  that  she  would  ever  rise  again 
(Amos  V.  2).  In  the  last  chapter  of  the  prophecy  of 
Amos  the  firm  conviction  is  expressed  that  after  cap- 
tivity had  sifted  out  the  evil  elements  in  the  state,  the 
few  faithful  would  be  restored  to  enjoy  a  peace  and 
prosperity  far  surpassing  that  of  the  earlier  days  (ix. 
8-15).  Hosea  also  pictured,  in  rich  imagery,  the  glo- 
rious era  which  would  be  inaugurated  when  once 
Israel's  discipline  had  accomplished  its  end  and  the 
people  had  come  back  to  Jehovah  in  penitence  to  be 
reconciled  to  him  "  in  righteousness  and  in  judgment 
and  in  loving-kindness  and  in  mercies"  (ii.  9-23). 
Both  prophets,  however,  as  they  saw  the  social  and 
moral  degeneracy  of   the  nation,  and  the  bhnd  self- 


CERTAINTY  OF  ISRAEL'S  DOWNFALL  91 

confidence  of  its  leaders,  which  gave  no  promise  of 
reform,  declared  that  its  destruction  at  the  hands  of 
a  foreign  conqueror  was  absolutely  certain  (Amos  iv. 
12 ;  vi.  14;  vii.  9;  Hosea  iii.  3,  4;  xiii.  16).  The  Judean 
2)rophets,  Isaiah  and  Micah,  echoed  the  same  (Isaiah 
xxviii.  1-13;  Micah  i.  2-7).  Subsequent  develop- 
ments confirmed  most  signally  their  inspired  diagnosis 
of  Israel's  sickness,  and  established  the  eternal  prin- 
ciples upon  which  they  based  their  predictions. 


VI 

POPULAR   AND   PROPHETIC   RELIGION 

91.  The  blackness  of  the  picture  wherein  Amos 
and  Hosea  portray  the  scfcial  and  moral  conditions  of 
their  age  is  undoubtedly  in  part  due  to  the  striking 
contrast  between  their  standards  and  those  of  their 
contemporaries.  The  masses  still  clung  to  the  old 
conception  of  Jehovah.  They  believed  that  he  was 
simply  Israel's  god  and  stood  in  the  same  relation  to 
them  as  Chemosh  did  to  the  Moabites  (I.  sects.  72, 167). 
The  series  of  national  misfortunes  which  had  befallen 
them  were  regarded  as  tokens  of  his  displeasure  (Amos 
iv.  6-11).  The  turn  in  the  tide  of  war  which  brought 
to  them  the  unparalleled  prosperity  of  the  reign  of 
Jeroboam  11.  was  regarded  as  conclusive  evidence  that 
Jehovah  was  pleased  with  his  people.  Starting  with 
the  mistaken  dogma,  then  already  old,  that  success 
was  always  a  pi"oof  of  divine  favor,  and  calamity  of 
displeasure,  they,  as  was  the  hero  of  the  Book  of  Job 
when  oppressed  by  the  same  error,  must  often  have 
been  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  Jehovah,  like  the 
gods  of  the  Greeks,  was  at  times  ruled  by  caprice. 
Ordinarily,  however,  they  believed,  as  did  Mesha,  king 
of  Moab  (compare  Moabite  Inscription),  that  zealous 
service  by  sword  and  sacrifice  would  surely  secure  his 

92 


PREVAILING  RELIGIOUS  FALLACIES  93 

favor.  On  the  other  hand,  according  to  the  naive 
thought  of  the  age,  Israel  was  the  one  people  of  Je- 
hovah, therefore  his  glory  was  dependent  upon  their 
national  prosperity.  Adversity  might  afflict  them  for 
a  time,  but  erelong  he  would  surely  arouse  himself 
to  deliver  them  and  vindicate  his  honor  among  their 
foes,  who  were  also  his  enemies  (Amos  v.  18).  Assyr- 
ian storm  clouds  lowered  in  the  distant  horizon,  but 
the  mass  of  the  Israelites  felt  absolutely  sure  that  Je- 
hovah would  deliver;  for,  according  to  their  concep- 
tion of  him,  it  was  incredible  that  he  would  allow  his 
people,  who  alone  of  all  the  nations  bore  his  name,  to 
be  destroyed.  Besides,  were  they  not  honoring  him 
with  a  devotion  and  wealth  of  sacrifice  unequalled  be- 
fore in  their  history?  The  cry,  "My  God,  we,  Israel, 
know  thee  "  (Hosea  viii.  2),  voiced  the  popular  feeling. 
They  deemed  the  one  who  predicted  the  downfall  of 
Israel  guilty  of  impious  blasphemy. 

92.  Such  a  religion  put  little  stress  upon  social  or 
private  morality.  While  Jehovah  was  served  by  cere- 
mony and  offering,  that  sufficed.  The  ordinary  priests 
and  prophets  encouraged  the  people  in  this  fatal  delu- 
sion. Amaziah,  the  chief  priest  of  the  royal  sanctuary 
at  Bethel,  regarded  the  teaching  of  Amos  as  the  wild- 
est fanaticism  (Amos  vii.  12,  13).  Hosea  declared  to 
the  priesthood,  "  Thou  shalt  stumble  in  the  day,  and 
the  prophet  also  shall  stumble  with  thee  in  the  night. 
.  .  .  My  people  are  destroyed  for  lack  of  knowl- 
edge. I  have  rejected  thee,  that  thou  shalt  be  no 
priest  to  me ;  seeing  thou  hast  forgotten  the  law  of 
thy  God,  I  also  will  forget  thy  children.  As  they 
were  multiplied,  so  they  sinned  against  me;  I  will 
change  their  glory  into  shame.     They  feed  on  the  sin 


94  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

of  my  people,  and  set  their  hearts  on  iniquity.  And 
it  shall  be,  like  people,  like  priest"  (iv.  5-9).  They 
were  but  blind  leaders  of  the  blind.  The  ceremonial 
service  itself  was  attended  by  mad  revels  (Amos  v.  23 ; 
Hosea  iv.  11-14 ;  ix.  1-5).  The  priests  of  the  differ- 
ent sanctuaries  vied  with  one  another  in  making  their 
services  the  most  attractive,  in  order  to  swell  the  offer- 
ings. Their  greed  made  them  little  better  than  high- 
way robbers  (Hosea  vi.  9).  When  the  national  religion 
was  so  corrupt,  we  cease  to  wonder  that  society  was 
so  rotten. 

93.  The  miracle,  explicable  only  as  we  recognize  the 
influence  of  the  Divine,  is  that  certain  prophets  were 
led  to  reject  completely  the  prevailing  ideas,  and  to 
present  a  system  of  faith  and  morals  which  has  be- 
come the  foundation  of  the  three  greatest  world  re- 
ligions. Amos  outlines,  in  his  artistic  introduction 
(i.,  ii.),  the  new  and  revolutionizing  principles  which 
characterize  his  prophecy.  Jehovah  is  God,  not  only 
of  Israel,  but  of  each  and  every  nation.  The  gods  of 
the  other  peoples  shrivel  into  insignificance  in  the  full 
light  of  tills  truth.  Before  Jehovah's  tribunal  the 
nations  are  condemned,  because  they  have  transgressed 
the  common  laws  of  humanity.  Each  is  judged  ac- 
cording to  its  enlightenment.  Hence  greater  privilege 
entails  greater  responsibility.  Jehovah  is  a  righteous 
God,  and  therefore  demands  righteousness  from  his 
people,  and  can  show  no  favoritism.  Having  gained 
a  half-assent  to  these  profound  propositions,  Amos  pro- 
ceeded to  throw  down  in  quick  succession  the  cher- 
ished fallacies  which  hitherto  had  dominated  the  minds 
of  the  Israelites.  "  Yes,  you  alone  of  all  the  peoples 
of  the  world  have  I  known  in  a  peculiarly  intimate 


AMOS'S  CONCEPTION  OF  JEHOVAH  95 

relation,"  declares  Jehovah,  "but  because  your  oppor- 
tunities have  been  greater,  I  v/ill  visit  upon  you  all 
your  iniquities  (iii.  2).  Jehovah  despises  all  your 
feasts  and  sacrifices  and  ceremonial  worship,  because 
they  are  mere  mockery,  when  accompanied,  as  they  are, 
with  deeds  of  injustice  and  inhumanity  (iv.  4, 5 ;  v.  21- 
25).  He  is  no  human  judge  who  can  be  bribed  with 
gifts.  Righteousness  is  the  only  acceptable  offering. 
Do  you  not  know  that  he  has  also  been  active  in  the 
life  of  other  nations?  He  it  was  that  brought  your 
hereditary  enemies,  the  Philistines,  from  Caphtor,  and 
the  Arameans  from  Kir,  just  as  he  led  you  out  of 
Egypt  (ix.  7.)  In  fact,  it  is  he  who  is  bringing  this 
great  nation,  Assyria,  to  execute  upon  you  the  death 
sentence"  (vi.  14). 

94.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  Israelites  were  unable 
to  comprehend  a  message  which  swept  away  their  im- 
memorial claims  to  Jehovah's  especial  favor,  and  placed 
them  in  such  unfavorable  contrast  with  their  hated 
enemies.  Amos  was  indeed  an  iconoclast;  but  whence 
his  new  truth?  The  situation  suggests  the  means 
whereby  the  Eternal  revealed  himself  to  his  prophets. 
The  first  element  in  the  revelation  was  that  they  saw 
existing  conditions  in  their  true  significance.  They 
recognized  that  the  advance  of  Assyria  meant  destruc- 
tion for  Israel.  In  the  face  of  this  fact,  the  old  con- 
ceptions of  Jehovah  as  merely  the  god  of  a  land  and 
people  were  totally  insufficient,  for  they  offered  only 
one  explanation:  the  God  of  Israel  was  no  God,  or 
else  weaker  than  the  gods  of  the  conquering  race. 
This  was  the  conclusion  which  the  exiled  Israelites 
accepted,  and  thereby  forfeited  their  national  indivi- 
duality and  religion  (sect.   104).     Confronted  by  the 


96  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

same  burning  question,  Amos  was  divinely  led  to  open 
his  eyes  and  see  instead  of  the  God  of  Israel  the  God 
of  the  universe,  who  directed  the  march  of  the  Assyr- 
ian armies  as  well  as  fought  for  Israel.  With  this 
came  a  full  grasp  of  the  truth,  heretofore  but  imper- 
fectly enunciated,  that  Jehovah  was  a  God  of  perfect 
righteousness.  A  study  of  conditions  within  Israel 
soon  revealed  the  reason  of  the  approaching  captivity. 
Henceforth  devotion  to  the  ideal  of  righteousness, 
even  though  it  cost  the  life  of  their  state,  character- 
ized the  true  prophets.  With  untiring  zeal  they  strove 
to  realize  it  in  their  nation,  and  at  the  same  time  en- 
deavored to  prepare  their  race  for  the  great  catas- 
trophe which  they  saw  apj^roaching.  It  was  due  to 
their  unceasing  efforts  that  the  spark  of  national  life 
and  faith  was  kept  alive  during  the  trying  centuries 
which  followed. 

95.  Hosea  reiterated  the  teachings  of  Ins  predeces- 
sor, and  added  many  new  and  j)i'ecious  truths.  Amos 
had  looked  with  no  favor  upon  the  religious  cult  of 
Israel ;  Hosea,  appreciating  its  debasing  influence,  un- 
hesitatingly denounced  the  worship  of  the  golden 
calves  as  wholly  corrupt  (viii.  5 ;  x.  5 ;  xiii.  2,  3). 
With  infinite  tenderness,  he  called  upon  the  Israelites 
to  forsake  ''  the  work  of  their  own  hands  "  and  turn 
to  a  God  in  whom  "  the  fatherless  fuideth  mercy,"  who 
would  "heal  their  backslidings  and  love  them  freely  " 
(xiv.  3,  4).  As  we  have  seen  (sect.  83),  Hosea's  tragic 
private  experience  was  that  wliich  prepared  him  to 
appreciate  the  character  and  purpose  of  Jehovah  even 
more  truly  than  Amos.  The  God  whom  he  proclaimed 
was  righteous  because  he  was  loving.  He  declared 
that  the  approaching  captivity  was  to  be  not  merely  a 


THE  GOD  OF  AMOS  AND  HOSEA        97 

fulfilment  of  the  stern  laws  of  justice,  but  rather  a  form 
of  discipline  intended  to  call  the  nation  back  to  repent- 
ance (ii.  10-23 ;  iii.  4,  5).  The  punishment  brought  far 
less  pain  to  Israel  than  to  the  loving  heart  of  Jehovah. 
Gladly  would  he  remit  the  penalty  if  love  did  not 
command  that  it  be  executed  (xi.  8-9).  The  stern, 
just  God  of  Amos  assumes  an  entirely  different  aspect, 
and  through  the  eyes  of  Hosea  we  behold  a  Divine 
Father,  who  v/ith  inlinite  love  and  tenderness  called 
"  his  son  [Israel]  from  Eg}^t,  taught  him  to  walk,  and 
took  him  in  his  arms."  Although  the  child  was  way- 
ward, he  drew  him  "with  the  bands  of  love  "  (xi.  1-4). 
Again  the  figure  changes  and  Jehovah  is  the  husband 
who  sought  out  Israel  and  v/as  united  to  the  nation  by 
the  sacred  covenant  bonds.  With  unceasing  love,  he 
anticipated  Israel's  every  want,  although  it  was  re- 
quited only  with  the  basest  infidelity  and  ingratitude. 
Whenever  the  discipline  of  captivity  should  bring  the 
foolish,  erring  people  back  to  Jehovah,  he  stood  ready 
to  forgive  and  to  restore  (ii.  1-23).  Thus,  while  the 
masses  blindly  worshipped  a  tribal  god,  whose  favor 
and  help  they  sought  to  win  by  the  abundance  of  their 
gifts,  Amos  perceived  that  Jehovah  was  the  righteous 
ruler  of  the  universe  ;  and  Hosea,  with  still  deeper  in- 
sight, proclaimed  the  supreme  truth  of  religion,  that 
God  is  love. 


VII 

THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL   OF   ISRAEL 

96.  While  the  prophets  were  learning  from  the 
great  crisis  tln-ough  which  their  nation  was  passing  new 
and  rich  lessons,  Israel  was  rapidly  hastening  to  its 
ruin.  Jeroboam  died  about  740  B.  c,  and  in  less  than 
two  decades  the  proud  kingdom  over  which  he  ruled 
ceased  to  exist.  Four  of  the  six  kings  who  succeeded 
him  were  struck  down  by  assassins,  and  one  died  in 
captivity.  His  son,  Zechariah,  perished  by  a  conspir- 
acy, after  a  reign  of  only  six  months.  Shallum,  the 
chief  conspirator,  reigned  in  the  capital  a  month,  and 
then  was  slain  b}^  Menahem,  the  son  of  Gadi,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  military  governor  of  the  old 
Israelitish  capital  of  Tirzah.  His  rule,  like  that  of 
Omri,  was  at  first  opposed,  but  he  succeeded  in  sub- 
jugating the  disaffected  districts,  and  then  visited 
upon  them  a  most  brutal  revenge  (II.  Kings  xv.  16). 
The  weakness  of  his  position  is  indicated  by  the  state- 
ment of  the  Book  of  Kings  to  the  effect  that  he  gave 
a  thousand  talents  of  silver,  which  he  exacted  from  the 
wealthy  in  his  realm,  to  Pul  to  confirm  the  kingdom 
in  his  hand  (II.  Kings  xv.  19,  20).  Although  Pul  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  Assjaian  annals,  it  is  established 
from  other  sources  that  he  was  Tiglath-Pileser  III., 

98 


CAMPAIGNS  OF  TIGLATH-PILESER  99 

who  reigned  on  the  tlirone  of  Assyria  from  745  to 
727  B.  c,  —  Pul  being  his  private  name  and  Tiglath- 
Pileser  the  official  title  Avhich  he  assumed  and  which 
of  course  is  always  employed  on  the  monuments. 

97.  This  was  the  great  conqueror  who  revived  the 
waning  fortunes  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  His  connec- 
tion with  the  old  reigning  family,  if  any,  was  distant, 
since  in  the  annals  no  reference  is  made  to  his  ances- 
try. He  succeeded,  by  infusing  into  his  nation  new 
blood  and  energy,  in  organizing  again  its  resources 
and  kindling  its  old  ambitions  for  conquest.  The 
first  six  years  of  his  reign  were  occupied  with  cam- 
paigns in  the  east ;  but  before  738  B.  c.  he  had  broken 
the  strength  of  the  kingdom  of  Hamath,  north  of 
Israel,  and  of  its  ally,  Azariah  (Uzziah)  of  Judali 
(sect.  126),  and  in  that  year  reached  the  borders  of 
Israel.  The  inscriptions,  therefore,  give  the  date  at 
which  Israel  paid  tribute,  as  well  as  confirm  the  bib- 
lical record,  since  they  state  that  among  the  many 
western  princes  who  then  acknowledged  liis  suzerainty 
were  Rezon  of  Damascus,  Menahem  of  Samaria,  and 
Hiram  of  Tyre.  The  Assyrian  empire  again  touched 
the  Mediterranean.  The  two  great  world  powers, 
with  their  capitals  on  the  Tigris  and  the  Nile,  stood 
face  to  face.  Palestine,  being  the  key  to  both  the  east 
and  the  west,  was  the  bone  of  contention. 

98.  From  this  time  on,  Israel  and  Judah  were  to 
be  the  scene  of  constant  intrigue  and  war.  Ephraim, 
*'  Hke  a  silly  dove,"  flew  blindly  into  the  Assyrian  net 
(Hosea  vii.  11).  Menahem's  weak,  selfish  policy  gave 
the  great  eastern  power  a  hold  upon  Israel  which  it 
never  relaxed.  Inordinate  greed,  as  well  as  insatiable 
cruelty,  characterized  this  new  conqueror.     Each  year 


100  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

the  resources  of  Israel  were  drained  to  pay  the  heavy 
tribute  which  was  exacted.  The  nation  writhed  under 
the  awful  injustice.  Egypt,  jealous  of  the  influence 
of  her  rival,  was  constantly  holding  out  promises  of 
assistance  in  case  Israel  would  revolt.  Although  the 
prophets  pointed  out  the  folly  of  su.ch  an  alliance 
(Hosea  vii.  11 ;  xii.  1),  and  the  weakness  of  Egypt  was 
evident,  a  large  and  growing  party  advocated  the  plan 
of  tlu^owing  olf  the  yoke  of  Assyria,  and  of  trusting  to 
their  own  strength  and  the  support  of  Egypt  to  resist 
the  common  foe.  Menahem  and  his  son,  however,  led 
the  opposite  faction,  which  might  be  called  the  Assyrian 
party,  since  it  urged  that  safety  was  to  be  found  only 
in  submission.  For  about  five  years  they  maintained 
their  policy.  The  second  part  of  the  prophecies  of 
Hosea  reflects  something  of  the  confusion  and  weak- 
ness which  characterized  the  period.  The  king  and 
princes  regarded  the  people  as  their  prey  (v.  1),  law 
and  order  were  relaxed,  and  with  this  a  wild  abandon 
took  possession  of  all  classes  (vii.  8-16).  Under  such 
conditions  the  sti'ength  of  the  anti-Assjaian  party  in- 
creased rapidly.  It  found  a  leader  in  Pekah,  the  son 
of  Remaliah,  the  captain  of  Pekahiah  who  succeeded 
his  father,  Menahem.  Supported  by  fifty  of  his  fear- 
less Gileadite  followers,  he  raised  the  standard  of 
revolt  in  Samaria  and  slew  the  inefficient  king. 
The  year  735  b.  c.  must  have  been  the  date  of  this 
revolution. 

99.  That  which  encouraged  the  Israelites  to  strike 
for  independence  at  this  time  was  undoubtedly  the 
absence  of  Tiglath-Pileser  III.  and  his  armies,  since 
we  learn  from  his  annals  that  he  was  engaged,  between 
737  and  735  b.  c,  in  campaigns  in  the  east.     Rezon  of 


CONQUEST  OF  ISRAEL  IN  734  B.  C.  101 

Damascus,  the  cities  of  Tyre,  Siclon,  Askelon,  and  Gaza 
joined  with  Pekah  in  a  coalition  against  Assyria.  The 
other  peoples  of  Syria,  however,  held  aloof.  The  al- 
lies recognized  that  the  only  hope  of  successful  resist- 
ance lay  in  a  union  of  all.  Accordingly  they  marched 
against  Judah,  to  force  it  to  join  with  them.  Its  terri- 
tory was  devastated,  and  its  king  shut  up  in  his  capi- 
tal ;  but  before  he  could  be  brought  to  submission 
Tiglath-Pileser  with  his  armies  was  upon  the  rebels. 
His  advance  was  so  rapid  that  they  were  taken  un- 
prepared. He  followed  the  usual  route  along  the 
coast  of  the  Mediterranean.  From  the  west  he  sent 
his  armies  eastward  over  the  plain  of  Escbaelon,  and 
from  thence  to  the  conquest  of  the  Israelitish  towns 
in  the  north.  Ijon,  Abel-beth-maacah,  Janoah,  Ke- 
desh,  and  Hazor  are  the  cities  mentioned  in  the  biblical 
record  (II.  Kings  xv.  29).  All  this  territory  north  of 
the  plain  of  Esdraelon  was  subjugated  and  placed  un- 
der the  charge  of  Assyrian  governors.  Continuing 
his  march  southward,  he  captured  Askelon  and  Gaza, 
thereby  securing  the  frontiers  of  Palestine  and  cutting 
off  all  possibility  of  assistance  from  Egypt.  Return- 
ing, he  completed  the  subjugation  of  Israel.  The  ter- 
ritory of  Ephraim  was  devastated,  and  many  of  its 
inhabitants  carried  away  captive.  The  rebel  Pekah, 
who  had  made  such  a  valiant  though  ineffectual  strike 
for  freedom,  was  put  to  death.  According  to  II.  Kings 
XV.  30,  the  Israelite  Hoshea,  whom  Tiglath-Pileser 
appointed  governor  over  the  remnant  of  Israel,  prob- 
ably as  a  reward  for  his  treason,  was  the  instrument 
whereby  Pekah  met  his  end. 

100.   This  memorable  campaign  of  734  b.  c.  gave 
Israel  its   death-blow.      Its  territory  was   henceforth 


102  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

limited  to  a  few  square  miles,  bounded  on  the  north 
by  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  on  the  east  by  the  Jor- 
dan. Although  stripped  of  their  wealth,  those  who 
were  allowed  to  remain  behind  were  compelled  to  pay 
an  exorbitant  annual  tribute  to  Assyria.  Duiing 
the  two  succeeding  years  Damascus  suffered  a  similar 
fate.  Its  army  was  defeated,  and  its  king  shut  up  in 
his  capital  "  like  a  caged  bird."  Its  territory,  even  to 
the  walls  of  the  city,  was  laid  waste  with  a  thorough- 
ness of  v/hich  the  Assyrians  alone  were  capable.  In 
732  B.  c.  Damascus  itself  fell  (compare  II.  Kings  xvi. 
9).  In  accordance  with  the  policy  of  Tiglath-Pileser 
III.  and  his  successors,  its  people  were  deported  to  the 
northern  part  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  In  this  effec- 
tive way  its  power  was  extinguished  so  that  it  never 
again  gave  serious  annoyance  to  its  conquerors.  Even 
before  Tiglath-Pileser  appeared,  Ahaz  of  Judah  had 
hastened  to  swear  allegiance ;  the  kings  of  Edom, 
Moab,  and  Ammon  later  followed  his  example.  Tig- 
lath-Pileser also  made  a  successful  incursion  into 
Arabia,  reducing  to  subjection  a  strong  tribe  under  a 
queen  by  the  name  of  Samsi,  and  received  the  homage 
and  tribute  of  many  Arabian  chiefs.  By  his  skill  and 
energy  he  had  not  only  completely  reorganized  the  de- 
caying empire,  but  also  had  extended  its  boundaries 
far  beyond  all  former  limits. 

101.  As  long  as  the  great  conqueror  lived,  Hoshea, 
the  governor,  whom  he  had  placed  over  the  remnant 
who  still  bore  the  name  of  Israel,  remained  faithful ; 
but  the  death  of  Tiglath-Pileser  III.  in  727  b.  c.  was 
the  signal  for  a  general  revolt.  Shalmaneser  III.,  his 
successor,  anticipated  this  by  despatching  an  army  into 
the   west-land.     Under  the  pressui-e  of  these  circum- 


THE  FATAL  REVOLT  OF  HOSHEA       103 

stances,  Hosliea  did  homage  and  brought  tribute  to  liis 
new  master;  but  when  the  army  was  withdrawn  he 
yielded  to  the  demands  of  the  anti-Assyrian  party. 
He  was  only  a  vassal  king  of  the  crippled  remnant  of  a 
little  nation,  while  Assyria  was  at  its  height.  Already 
the  toils  of  the  world-conqueror  had  been  tightened  by 
the  fruitless  efforts  which  the  Israelites  had  made  to 
gain  their  freedom.  If  they  failed,  all  was  lost,  for 
the  next  stage  of  subjection  was  deportation  and 
national  anniliilation.  Judah  was  neither  willing  nor 
able  to  render  any  aid.  It  was  Egypt's  empty  prom- 
ises which  encouraged  the  feverish  leaders  of  the 
northern  kingdom  to  court  certain  destruction.  About 
this  time  also  the  kings  of  Ethio^Dia,  whose  power  had 
long  overshadowed  that  of  the  weak  rulers  of  northern 
Egypt,  took  possession  of  the  throne  of  the  Pharaohs. 
With  the  new  dynasty  the  old  longings  for  conquest 
were  revived.  The  first  step  toward  their  realization 
was  an  attempt  to  undermine  the  influence  of  their 
dangerous  rival  in  Palestine.  This  was  in  part  success- 
ful, for  the  name  of  Egypt  still  inspired  confidence, 
and  the  renown  of  the  new  Pharaoh,  Shabaka,  aroused 
unwarranted  hopes. 

102.  In  725  or  724  b.  c.  the  fatal  alliance  was 
formed  between  Hoshea  and  his  would-be  patron 
(II.  Kings  xvii.  4).  Before  any  relief  came  from 
Egypt,  Shalmaneser  IV.  invaded  Israel  and  captured 
its  king,  who  apparently  had  advanced  against  him. 
The  details  respecting  the  events  of  the  last  few  years 
of  the  northern  kingdom  are  exceedingly  meagre. 
Although  deprived  of  their  king,  its  leaders  made  a 
last  stand  in  Samaria.  Its  impregnable  position  made 
it  impossible  for  the  Assyrians  to  capture  it  by  storm, 


104  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

and  therefore  tliey  were  obliged  to  wait  tliree  years 
until  starvation  had  done  its  ghastly  work.  The  rich 
territory  about  was  all  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  so 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  relief  from  their  countrymen. 
The  expectation  that  Egypt  would  yet  deliver  them, 
and  the  Iniowledge  that  they  could  anticipate  no 
mercy  from  their  conqueror,  nerved  them  for  a  heroic 
though  hopeless  resistance.  The  crowded  city  must 
have  been  the  scene  of  the  most  horrible  want  and 
misery,  Egypt's  weakness  and  disorganized  condition 
rendered  it  utterly  incapable  of  coping  with  the 
thoroughly  equipped,  experienced  armies  of  Assyria; 
indeed,  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  made  any  attempt 
to  help  its  ally.  Shalmaneser  began  and  practically 
completed  the  conquest  of  Samaria,  but,  dying  before 
the  city  finally  surrendered,  its  capture  was  one  of  the 
first  events  which  rendered  glorious  the  reign  of  the 
great  conqueror,  Sargon,  who  succeeded  him  in 
December  of  722  b.  c.  The  policy  of  assimilation 
inaugurated  by  Tiglath-Pileser  III.  was  carried  out 
even  more  rigidly  by  the  new  monarch.  The  city  was 
given  up  to  plunder ;  twenty-seven  thousand  two  hun- 
dred and  ninety  of  its  inhabitants  were,  according  to 
the  inscriptions  of  Sargon,  carried  away  into  captivity, 
and  over  those  who  were  left  behind  was  placed  an 
Assyrian  governor  to  attend  to  the  collection  of  the 
annual  tribute.  Section  after  section  of  the  kingdom 
of  Jeroboam  II.  had  been  broken  off  and  annexed  to 
Assyria,  until  at  the  end  of  eighteen  years  the  capital 
itself  was  brought  under  the  same  iron  sway  and  Israel 
as  a  nation  ceased  to  exist. 


VIII 

THE  EOLE  OF  ISRAEL  IN  THE  WORLD'S  HISTORY 

103.  With  the  fall  of  Samaria,  Israel  not  only  lost 
its  identity  as  a  nation,  but  the  character  of  its  people 
also  was  completely  changed  under  the  influence  of 
the  foreign  populations  which  surged  into  the  land. 
Assyria's  policy  of  eradicating  by  force  all  national 
spirit  and  of  assimilating  and  amalgamating  the  differ- 
ent races  in  its  vast  empire,  that  the  possibility  of 
revolt  might  be  removed,  ultimately  proved  eminently 
successful  in  the  case  of  Israel.  In  720  B.  c,  two 
years  after  the  fall  of  Samaria,  there  was  a  general 
uprising  in  Syria,  which  included  Hamath,  Arpad,  and 
Damascus.  The  provinces  into  wliich  the  land  of 
Israel  had  been  divided  were  drawn  into  the  insurrec- 
tion. The  severity  of  the  penalty  which  was  inflicted 
upon  the  Israelites  was  probably  in  part  due  to  this 
additional  offence.  Strategic  reasons  also  prompted 
S argon  to  root  out  completely  all  possible  seeds  of 
rebellion,  since  the  strong  fortress  of  Samaria  com- 
manded central  Palestine  ;  and  already  Assyiian  plans 
of  conquest  extended  beyond  Syria  to  Egypt. 

104.  The  captives  who  were  deported  naturally  in- 
cluded the  rich,  the  ruling  and  military  classes,  and 
the  religious  leaders.     One  body  of  exiles  was  settled 

105 


106  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

on  the  cliief  northern  tributary  of  the  Euphrates,  the 
river  Habor,  within  the  Mesopotamian  province  of 
Gozan.  Here  they  were  surrounded  by  an  Aramaic- 
speaking  population,  with  which  they  readily  assimi- 
lated, and  consequently  quickly  lost  their  identity. 
Another  group  was  transported,  several  years  later, 
to  the  land  of  the  Medes,  on  the  extreme  eastern  bor- 
ders of  the  empire.  The  location,  Halah,  the  third 
place  mentioned  in  II.  Kings  xvii.  6,  has  not  yet  been 
definitely  established;  it  may  have  been  situated  in 
Mesopotamia,  or  possibly  east  of  the  Tigris.  The 
great  majority  of  the  Israelites  who  survived  the 
devastating  Assyrian  wars  were  allowed  to  remain  in 
their  homes.  The  pastoral  and  agricultural  classes  in 
the  community  suffered  least.  Since  the  territory 
north  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  submitted  first  and 
with  little  resistance,  it  escaped  the  repeated  deporta- 
tions which  so  seriously  modified  the  character  of  the 
population  of  the  district  lying  to  the  south.  This 
fact  explains  why,  after  the  exile,  the  Galileans  affil- 
iated with  the  Jews  so  much  more  readily  than  did  the 
Samaritans. 

105.  According  to  XL  Kings  xvii.  24,  "  The  king  of 
Assyria  brought  men  from  Babylon,  and  from  Cutliah, 
and  from  Avva,  and  from  Hamath,  and  from  SejDhar- 
vaim,  and  placed  them  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  instead 
of  the  children  of  Israel ;  and  they  possessed  Samaria, 
and  dwelt  in  the  cities  thereof."  The  annals  of  Sargon 
corroborate  and  supplement  this  reference.  Among 
the  events  of  his  first  year,  it  is  stated  that  colonists 
from  the  rebellious  state  of  Babylon  were  transported 
to  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  which  was  a  general  desig- 
nation of  Syria.     Cuthah  and  Sepharvaim  have  been 


ORIGIN  OE  THE   SAMARITANS  107 

identified  as  Babylonian  towns.  During  the  second 
year  of  S argon's  reign,  Hamath,  having  rebelled,  was 
subjected  to  the  severest  punishment  known  to  the 
conqueror.  Colonists  from  the  east  were  introduced 
to  take  the  place  of  the  natives,  who,  according  to  the 
biblical  record,  were  transferred  to  Samaria.  Two 
other  inscriptions  state  that  Arabians  from  four  desert 
tribes  conquered  by  Sargon  were  also  settled  in 
Samaria.  About  half  a  century  later  Esarhaddon 
transported  tliither  still  other  colonists  from  Baby- 
lonia and  the  cities  of  Elam  (Ezra  iv.  2,  9,  10).  A 
more  heterogeneous  mixture  of  peoples  could  not  be 
imagined;  Babylonians,  Elamites,  Arabians,  and  Ha- 
matheans  mingled  their  blood  with  that  of  the  ancient 
Israelites  to  form  the  Samaritan  race  which  was  thus 
gradually  evolved.  Their  national  spirit  was  so  com- 
pletely crushed  that  they  submitted  readily  to  the 
various  foreign  conquerors  who  have  ever  since  ruled 
the  land  of  Palestine.  The  result  has  been  that  they 
alone,  of  all  the  ancient  peoples  who  once  inhabited 
this  much  contested  territory,  have  survived,  and  to- 
day are  represented  by  a  small  tribe  of  about  one 
hundred  members,  who  live  together  at  Nablus,  the 
ancient  Shechem,  and  on  their  sacred  Mount  Gerizim 
worship  Jehovah  in  accordance  with  the  customs  of 
their  fathers. 

106.  It  is  obvious  that  the  wild  theories  concerning 
the  fate  of  the  '4ost  ten  tribes  of  Israel"  are  entirely 
without  foundation,  since  they  were  never  lost.  Their 
descendants  survived  and  at  times  emerged  into  prom- 
inence ;  but  with  the  destruction  of  Samaria  in 
722  B.  c,  the  Israelites  sank  to  the  level  of  the  peoples 
about  them.     The  catastrophe,  which  the  true  prophets 


108  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

had  labored  so  earnestly  to  avert,  came  at  last.  The 
foreign  colonists  worshipped  their  respective  gods  for 
a  time ;  but,  in  accord  with  the  current  ideas  of 
the  age,  public  disasters  were  soon  interpreted  as  an 
indication  that  the  god  of  the  land  was  angry.  There- 
fore priests  of  Jehovah  were  introduced ;  Bethel  again 
became  a  religious  centre ;  the  worsliip  of  the  God  of 
Israel  continued  to  be  the  acknowledged  cult  of  the 
land;  but  other  gods  were  freely  tolerated,  and 
Jehovah  was  regarded  as  little  more  than  a  local 
divinity  and  placed  on  an  equality  with  the  other 
deities.  The  old  heathen  forms  were  also  retained. 
The  conception  of  Jehovah  ceasing  to  develop,  the 
religion  itself  became  dead;  and  when  its  faith  was 
dead,  Israel's  life  was  no  longer  an  important  factor  in 
the  history  of  humanity.  Its  glory  and  its  influence 
came  alone  from  its  past. 

107.  The  sudden  and  disastrous  fate  of  Israel  ex- 
plains why  a  comparatively  small  part  of  the  literature 
of  the  Old  Testament  comes  from  the  larger  Hebrew 
kingdom.  That  kingdom  fell  just  as  the  Hebrews 
were  entering  upon  their  most  prolific  literary  period. 
The  Judeans,  who  became  the  custodians  of  its  writings, 
were  never  very  kindly  disposed  toward  the  people  of 
the  north,  and  the  feeling  of  antagonism  steadily  in- 
creased during  the  succeeding  centuries.  In  view  of 
these  facts,  it  is  surprising  that  so  much  has  been 
preserved.  Probably  a  few  of  the  proverbs  and  psalms 
in  our  present  collections  are  from  Israelitish  authors. 
The  Song  of  Songs  breathes  the  spirit  and  reflects  the 
point  of  view  of  the  north  rather  than  of  the  south. 
One  of  the  most  important  strands  of  projDhetic  nar- 
rative (E)  which  run  through  the  Hexateuch,  bears 


THE  LITERATURE  AND  THOUGHT  OF  ISRAEL    109 

unmistakable  marks  of  its  Israelitish  origin.  Almost 
all  the  ancient  material  preserved  in  the  Book  of 
Judges,  part  of  that  in  Samuel,  and  the  greater  por- 
tion of  Kings  were  derived  originally  from  northern 
sources.  Although  the  prophet  Amos  was  a  Judean, 
his  message  was  directed  wholly  against  the  north,  and 
may  properly  be  reckoned  among  its  literature.  The 
prophecy  of  Hosea  is  at  the  same  time  the  noblest  and 
most  characteristic  product  of  Israel.  Although  its 
style  is  rough  and  broken,  its  figures  and  references 
suggest  something  of  the  beauty  and  delicacy  of 
thought  which  under  brighter  skies  find  expression  in 
the  Song  of  Songs,  and  which  might  have  come  to  per- 
fection, had  not  the  fruits  of  the  nation's  sins  and 
adverse  circumstances  forever  silenced  its  poets  and 
prophets. 

108.  Until  Samaria  began  to  totter,  the  spiritual 
side  of  the  religion  of  Jehovah  found  its  true  develop- 
ment in  Israel.  Religiously  as  well  as  politically,  the 
southern  kingdom  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  greater 
and  more  active  state.  Israel  alone  had  an  Elijah  and 
an  Elisha.  The  great  religious  and  social  crisis  arose 
first  in  the  north.  Its  enlightened  prophets  gave 
the  watchwords  to  all  who  followed.  The  definite 
proclamation  by  Amos,  that  Jehovah  was  the  God  of 
the  universe  and  at  the  same  time  altogether  righteous, 
ultimately  revolutionized  religious  thought.  He  also 
first  clearly  enunciated  the  great  fact  of  the  universal 
brotherhood  of  man,  and  emphasized  the  obligations 
which  grow  out  of  it.  When  he  declared  that  cere- 
monial service  was  hateful  to  God  if  unaccompanied  by 
deeds  of  justice  and  mercy,  he  presented  a  truth  which 
humanity  has  not  yet  fully  grasped.    Hosea  first  saw 


110  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

clearly  that  love,  not  arbitrary  will,  rules  the  universe, 
and  announced  that  Jehovah  is  just  because  his  love  is 
supreme.  He  recognized  the  Supreme  Father  of  man- 
kind, and  in  his  messages  of  warning  to  the  nation 
and  in  his  promises  of  God's  forgiveness  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  New  Testament  revelation.  Israel's 
greatest  prophets  stand  apart  and  above  their  nation  ; 
the  truths  which  they  proclaimed  were  never  accepted 
and  consequently  never  realized  in  its  history ;  but  in 
Judah,  and  ultimately  in  the  life  of  humanity,  they 
found  their  true  field  of  development.  Israel  there- 
fore, through  the  messages  of  its  prophets,  enjoys 
immortality,  although  its  body  politic  met  such  an 
untimely  death. 


PART  III 

THE  ASSYRIAN  PERIOD   OF  JUDAH'S 
HISTORY 


THE  mSTOEICAL   SOUECES,   AND  CHRONOLOGY 

109.  Side  by  side  with  the  material  contained  in 
II.  Kings  xi.-xvii.,  relating  to  Israel,  are  important 
sections:  xi,  1-xii.  21;  xiv.  1-14,  17-22;  xv.  1-7, 
32-38,  and  xvi.  1-20,  which  refer  to  contemporary 
events  in  Judah.  The  accounts  of  the  priestly  revolu- 
tion (xi.  1-20)  and  the  subsequent  repair  of  the  Temple 
under  Joash  (xii.  4-16),  were  derived  from  early 
Judean  sources.  They,  together  with  xvi.  10-18, 
which  describes  the  altar  erected  by  Ahaz,  may  have 
been  based  upon  official  records  preserved  in  the 
Temple.  Chapters  xii.  17,  18 ;  xiv.  8-14,  19,  20,  22  ; 
XV.  5,  and.  xvi.  5-9  consist  of  concise  political  notices, 
gathered  by  the  compiler,  probably,  from  the  state 
annals,  and  incorporated  in  his  regular  framev/ork. 
With  the  exception  of  the  short  epitome  inserted  by 
the  editor  in  xviii.  9-12,  the  rest  of  the  Book  of  Kings, 
beginning  with  chapter  xviii.,  is  devoted  entirely  to 
Judah.  The  brief  account  of  the  invasion  of  Sen- 
nacherib in  xviii.  13-16  was  probably  taken  from  the 
state  records;  while  the  more  detailed  narrative  of 
the  same,  contained  in  xviii.  17-xix.  37,  and  repro- 
duced in  Isaiah  xxxvi.  and  xxxvih,  in  which  Isaiah  is 
the  chief  figure,  is,  like  the  stories  of  Elijah  and  Elisha, 

8  113 


114  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

from  some  prophetic  historian  living  not  long  after 
the  events  recorded.  Chapter  xix.  21-31  preserves  a 
short  prophecy,  practically  as  it  fell  from  the  lips  of 
Isaiah.  Chapter  xx.  1-19  is  also  a  prophetic  narra- 
tive, evidently  of  still  later  date  than  the  one  contained 
in  xviii.  17  -  xix.  37.  Chapter  xxi.,  which  treats  of 
the  reigns  of  Manasseh  and  Amon,  contains  some  defi- 
nite historical  data  (verses  3-7),  although  it  consists 
mainly  of  the  comments  of  the  compiler.  The  narra- 
tive in  Kings  is  supplemented  by  a  few  additional 
facts  which  have  been  preserved  by  the  chronicler  in 
the  corresponding  chapters  (II.  Chron.  xxiii.-xxxiii.) 
of  his  work. 

110.  The  Assyrian  period  of  Judah's  history  is 
illuminated,  at  its  most  important  crises,  by  the  ser- 
mons of  its  greatest  statesman-prophet.  They  treat 
every  side  of  the  nation's  life,  and  consequently  ren- 
der this  epoch  one  of  the  best  known  of  Hebrew  his- 
tory. The  prophecies  of  Isaiah,  however,  are  not 
arranged  in  chronological  order.  With  the  aid  of  an 
occasional  superscription  and  the  testimony  of  internal 
evidence,  it  is  possible  to  date  those  relating  to  Judah 
with  comparative  certainty.  His  call,  recorded  in  chap- 
ter vi.,  was  during  the  last  jea,v  of  Uzziah,  between 
740  and  737  b.  c.  Chapters  ii.  5  -  iv.  1  contain  prophe- 
cies delivered  about  735  b.  c,  during  the  reign  of  the 
weak  Ahaz  (iii.  12),  and  before  the  loss  of  Elath  (ii. 
16)  to  the  Arameans  in  734  b.  c.  To  the  same  year 
belong  the  series  of  sermons  preserved  in  v.  1-25; 
ix.  8-x.  4  and  v.  26-30,  which  distantly  reflect  the 
coming  Aramean-Ephraimitish  war.  The  addresses 
in  vii.  1-ix.  7,  and  xvii.  1-11  Avere  delivered  in  734 
B.C.,  when   these   storm  clouds  from  the  north  were 


DATE  OF  ISAIAH'S  PROPHECIES  115 

hovering  over  Judah.      Chapter  i.  belongs  either  to 
this  time,  when  the  land  was  overrun  by  Arameans, 
Edomites,  and  Philistines,  or  to  the  even  darker  days 
of  701  B.  c.     The  opening  words  of   chapter  xxviii., 
found  in  verses  1-6,  were  uttered  shortly  before  the 
fall  of   Samaria  in  722  b.  c.     The  short  prophecy  in 
chapter  xx.  indicates  Isaiah's  attitude  toward  the  up- 
rising which  called  Sargon  to   Palestine  in  711  b.  c. 
Isaiah's  activity  reached  its  height  in  connection  with 
the  great  rebellion  against  Assyria,  which  resulted  in 
the  invasion  of  Sennacherib  in  701  b.  c.     The  events 
recorded  in  the  historical  sections,  xxxviii.  and  xxxix., 
belong  to  the  years  immediately  preceding  that  crisis ; 
the  narratives  themselves  were  taken  from  II.  Kings. 
The  short  passage  xiv.  29-32  reflects  the  exultation  of 
the  people  of  Palestine  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  their 
oppressor  Sargon  in  705  b.  c.     As  early  as  703  b.  c.  the 
leaders   of   Judah    began    plotting,    thereby   arousing 
Isaiah  to   utter  the   words   of   warning   preserved  in 
xxviii.  7-xxix.  24.     Chapters  xxx.-xxxii.  and  xxii. 
15-25  come  from  a  later   period,  probably    702  b.  c, 
when  alliances  were  being  openly  made  with  Egypt. 
To  the  year  of  the  invasion  itself,  when  the  armies  of 
Sennacherib  were  on  the  march  toward  Palestine,  be- 
long the  sermons  in  x.  5-xi.  9;  xiv.  24-27.     In  xvii. 
12-14  the  city  is  about  to  be  besieged ;  chapter  xviii. 
pictures   graphically  the   terror  of  the  Ethiopians  at 
this  time,  and  xxii.  1-14  the  confusion  within  Jeru- 
salem  and   the   wild   rejoicing   when   the   siege   was 
raised.     The   historical   sections   xxxvi.  and   xxxvii., 
which  record  the  final  deliverance  of  the  city,  were, 
like  xxxviii.  and  xxxix.,  taken  from  II.  Kings.     The 
remaining  portions  of  the  book  either  relate  to  foreign 


116  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

nations  or  else  are  from  other  hands,  as  is  demonstrated 
by  their  style  and  contents. 

111.  The  prophecies  of  Micah,  a  younger  contem- 
porary of  Isaiah,  deal  especially  with  the  social  condi- 
tions in  Judah.  Chapters  i.-iii.,  with  the  exception 
of  ii.  12,  13,  treat  of  the  same  general  themes.  The 
references  in  i.  1-7  to  the  impending  fall  of  Samaria 
establish  their  date  at  a  little  before  722  b.  c.  Chap- 
ters iv.  and  v.,  if  from  Micah,  may  be  assigned  to  the 
days  of  confusion  and  terror  which  attended  the  inva- 
sion of  Sennacherib  in  701  B.  c.  The  only  satisfactory 
historical  background  for  yi.  l-vii.  6  is  the  reac- 
tionary reign  of  Manasseh.  The  style  and  thought 
of  the  remainder  of  chapter  vii.  is  so  different  from 
that  which  precedes  that  its  date  and  authorship  are 
exceedingly  uncertain. 

112.  Judah  as  v/ell  as  Israel  is  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions.  In  addition  to  the 
annals  already  referred  to  (sect.  57),  those  of  Sen- 
nacherib contain  a  full  account  of  tlie  movements 
of  this  mighty  conqueror,  and  especially  the  steps 
in  his  great  western  campaign  of  701  B.  c.  The 
tribute  lists  of  Esarhaddon  and  Ashurbanipal  also 
afford  valuable  information  respecting  political  condi- 
tions during  the  reign  of  Manasseh,  which  is  passed 
over  with  such  brief  mention  by  the  biblical  historians. 

113.  The  chronology  of  this  period  presents  exceed- 
ingly intricate  problems,  arising  from  the  conflicting 
testimony  of  the  biblical  data.  The  Assyiian  chro- 
nology fixes  two  dates :  (1)  the  accession  of  Athaliah 
to  the  thi'one  of  Judah  after  the  slaughter  of  Azariah 
by  Jehu  in  842  B.  c. ;  and  (2)  the  invasion  of  Judah  by 
Pekah  and  Rezon  in  735-734  b.  c,  when  Ahaz  was 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  JUDAH'S  ASSYRIAN  PERIOD      117 

on  the  throne.  We  also  know  that  Azariah  (Uzziah) 
of  Judah  was  defeated  by  Tiglath-Pileser  III.  in  740- 
738  B.  c.  Allowing  only  two  or  tliree  years  for  the 
independent  reign  of  Jotham,  the  year  735  b.  c.  is 
established  approximately  as  the  date  of  the  accession 
of  Ahaz.  According  to  the  chronological  system  of 
the  compiler  of  Kings,  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  forty- 
three  (Athaliah,  6  ;  Joash,  40  ;  Amaziah,  29  ;  Azariah, 
52 ;  Jotham,  16)  years  is  assigned  to  the  period  of  one 
hundred  and  seven  years  which  intervened  between 
the  beginnings  of  the  reigns  of  Athaliah  and  Ahaz, 
giving  a  discrepancy  of  thirty-six  years.  The  six 
years  of  Athaliah  and  the  forty  of  Joash  seem  to  be 
well  established.  Amaziah's  attack  upon  Jehoash  of 
Israel  (II.  Kings  xiv.  8-14)  indicates  that  they  were 
contemporaries.  It  probably  occurred  near  the  close 
of  the  reign  of  Jehoash,  when  he  had  recovered  from 
the  disastrous  wars  with  Damascus.  It  has  also  been 
conjectured  with  reason  that  Amaziah's  death  at  the 
hands  of  a  conspiracy  (II.  Kings  xiv.  19)  was  the  result 
of  his  defeat.  From  these  inferences,  782  b.  c.  may 
be  accepted  as  the  date  of  his  death,  giving  him  a 
reign  of  sixteen  instead  of  twenty-nine  years.  The 
'^remaining  twenty-three  years  must  be  deducted  from 
the  reigns  of  Azariah  (Uzziah)  and  Jotham.  Since 
Azariah  was  a  leper,  his  son  ruled  as  regent  (II.  Kings 
XV.  5).  This  accounts  in  part  for  the  variation  in  the 
reckoning  of  the  compiler,  since  he  would  give  the  full 
number  of  years  during  which  each  reigned.  It  is  obvi- 
ous that  whatever  system  of  dates  is  adopted  for  the 
first  part  of  this  period,  they  must  be  regarded  as  only 
approximate.  In  the  chronological  chart  the  system  of 
Kamphausen  has  been  generally  followed. 


118  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

114.  The  most  perplexing  although  not  the  most 
important  question  in  connection  with  the  remainder 
of  the  period  is  the  date  of  the  accession  of  Hezekiah. 
Two  distinct  series  of  data  point,  the  one  to  715,  and 
the  other  to  725  b.  c.  The  date  (715  b.  c.)  accepted 
by  the  majority  of  German  scholars  rests  primarily 
upon  II.  Kings  xviii.  13,  which  states  that  Sennache- 
rib's invasion  of  701  b.  c.  fell  in  the  fourteenth 
year  of  Hezekiah.  This  seems  to  be  confirmed  by 
II.  Kings  XX.  1-6,  which  associates  Hezekiah's  sick- 
ness with  Sennacherib's  invasion,  and  contains  the 
prophecy  that  the  king  would  survive  his  illness  fifteen 
years  (verse  6).  It  may,  however,  have  been  from 
this  statement  that  the  author  of  II.  Kings  xviii.  13, 
knowing  that  Hezekiah  reigned  in  all  twenty-nine 
years,  drew  the  inference  that  the  great  invasion  was 
in  his  fourteenth  (29 — 15  =  14)  year.  Furthermore,  it 
is  distinctly  stated  (II.  Kings  xx.  12;  Isa.  xxxix.  1) 
that  Merodach-Baladan  of  Babylon  sent  an  embassy 
to  Hezekiah  during  his  illness.  From  the  inscriptions 
of  Sennacherib  it  is  established  that  Merodach-Baladan 
was  no  longer  king  in  701  b.  c,  which  at  once  throws 
suspicion  upon  the  data  in  question.  It  also  necessi- 
tates the  arbitrary  shortening  of  the  reign  of  Manasseh 
by  ten  years. 

115.  On  the  other  hand,  II.  Kings  xviii.  10  defi- 
nitely states  that  Samaria  was  taken  in  the  sixth  year 
of  Hezekiah.  Addition  of  the  years  assigned  to  Heze- 
kiah and  the  kings  of  Judah  who  succeeded  him 
before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c.  fixes  the 
beginning  of  his  reign  at  725  b.  c,  which  is  in  prac- 
tical agreement  with  the  passage  just  cited.  There 
are  good  grounds  for  regarding  the  number  of  years 


DATE  OF  HEZEKIAH'S  ACCESSION  119 

assigned  to  these  kings  as  substantially  correct,  since 
their  reigns  were  not  so  far  removed  from  the  age  of 
the  compiler  as  were  those  of  the  earlier  days.  Under 
Ahaz,  Hezekiah,  and  Manasseh,  also,  the  influence 
of  Assyria  became  paramount  in  Judah,  as  was  mani- 
fested in  the  introduction  of  a  new  style  of  altar 
(II.  Kings  xvi.  10),  and  eastern  customs  (Isa.  ii.  6), 
and,  as  a  result,  from  this  time  on  a  more  exact  system 
of  reckoning  time  seems  to  have  been  adopted. 
Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  regularly  date  their  prophecies 
according  to  the  year  of  the  reigning  king.  Further- 
more, when  we  are  able  by  these  other  sources  to 
verify  the  number  of  years  assigned  by  the  compiler 
to  the  later  kings,  we  find  them  substantially  correct. 
The  reference  in  Jeremiah  xxvi.  18,  which  states  posi- 
tively that  the  sermons  of  Micah  were  delivered  during 
the  days  of  Hezekiah,  obviously  points  to  725  rather 
than  715  B.  c,  since  this  prophecy  foretells  the  fate 
of  Samaria  (722  b.  c).  Whichever  date  be  accepted, 
the  sixteen  years  assigned  to  the  reign  of  Ahaz  cannot 
stand.  Perhaps  the  most  serious  objection  to  the 
earlier  date  is  its  inconsistency  with  the  ages  of  Ahaz 
and  Hezekiah  at  their  accession.  Ahaz  could  not  have 
died  when  only  thirty  years  old  and  left  a  son  aged 
twenty-five.  These,  however,  are  details  which  pos- 
terity would  be  least  likely  to  record,  and  respecting 
which  the  compiler  has  elsewhere  shown  that  he  was 
dependent  upon  conjecture.  In  the  light  of  all  the 
evidence,  therefore,  725  b.  c.  is  the  more  probable  date 
for  the  accession  of  Hezekiah. 


II 

FKOM  ATHALIAH  TO   AHAZ 

116.  The  revolution  of  Jehu,  which  included  the 
slaughter  of  Ahaziah  of  Judah  and  thereby  gave 
the  unscrupulous  Athaliah  an  opportunity  to  seize 
the  throne,  was  followed,  six  years  later,  by  a  counter 
revolution  in  the  southern  kingdom,  likewise  inspired 
by  the  more  zealous  champions  of  the  worship  of  Je- 
hovah. It  is  significant  that  the  one  v/ho  planned  it 
was  not  a  prophet,  but  Jehoiada,  the  priest  of  the 
temple  of  Jehovah,  where  Joash,  the  youthful  son  of 
the  murdered  Ahaziah,  had  been  hidden  by  his  aunt 
from  Athaliah's  destructive  hand.  The  details  of  the 
conspiracy  w^ere  carefully  prepared,  and  the  captains  of 
the  royal  guard  previously  pledged  to  co-operate.  The 
coup  cVctat  took  place  on  a  Sabbath  day.  The  guard, 
who  regularly  assumed  charge  of  the  Temple  on  that 
day,  were  posted  at  such  points  as  commanded  the 
passage  from  the  palace  and  the  other  entrances  to 
the  sanctuary.  The  Temple  guard,  which  was  ordi- 
narily relieved  from  duty  on  the  Sabbath,  was  or- 
dered to  remain  and  protect  the  person  of  the  young 
king.  The  prestige  of  the  house  of  David  gave  force 
to  the  movement.  In  the  hands  of  the  guard  were 
placed  the  spears  and  shields  which   had   been  won 

120 


THE  KELIGIOUS  REVOLUTION  IN  JUDAH         121 

from  their  foes  by  the  great  conqueror,  whose  offspring 
they  were  about  to  restore  to  the  throne  of  his  ances- 
tors. When  all  was  ready,  the  little  Joash  (or  Je- 
hoash)  was  led  forth  and  duly  anointed  king.  The 
cry  of  guard  and  people,  ''  Let  the  king  live,"  was  the 
first  intimation  which  Athaliah  received  of  the  con- 
spiracy. Her  exclamation  of  "  Treason "  aroused  no 
response.  She  was  slain  within  the  palace  at  the  com- 
mand of  Jehoiada,  who  virtually  acted  as  regent  dur- 
ing the  boyhood  of  the  new  ruler. 

117.  A  solemn  covenant  was  then  made  between 
Jehovah  and  the  people  "that  they  should  be  the 
Lord's  people."  Elijah's  words  of  protest  against  the 
toleration  of  Baal  worship  found  a  response  in  J udah 
as  well  as  in  Israel.  Under  the  influence  of  the  re- 
action, and  doubtless  at  the  instigation  of  the  priest, 
Jehoiada,  the  people  went  to  the  temple  of  Baal,  which 
had  been  allowed  to  flourish  undisturbed  beneath  the 
shadows  of  the  capital,  and  tore  it  down,  levelling  altars 
and  images,  and  slaying  its  priest,  Mattan,  in  the  midst 
of  the  ruin  to  make  the  desecration  complete.  Thus, 
with  little  bloodshed,  was  consummated  the  important 
revolution  whereby  the  family  of  David  was  restored 
to  the  throne  of  Judah,  and  Baalism  placed  mider 
a  ban. 

118.  A  century  and  a  half  had  elapsed  since  the 
building  of  Solomon's  Temple  ;  and  consequently  the 
demand  for  repairs  was  imperative.  While  the  reign- 
ing family  of  Judah  v/as  coquetting  with  the  house  of 
Ahab  and  countenancing  a  temple  of  Baal  at  Jerusa- 
lem, the  temple  of  Jehovah  was  neglected.  Joash, 
however,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  throne  by  a 
priestly  revolution,  was  under  obligation  to  repay  the 


122  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

debt  thus  incurred.  He  accordingly  turned  over  to 
the  priests  the  regular  religious  tax,  as  well  as  the 
voluntary  offerings,  with  the  understanding  that  they 
were,  with  the  proceeds,  to  see  that  the  necessary  re- 
pairs were  completed.  Twenty-three  years  passed, 
however,  and  nothing  was  done.  When,  at  last,  they 
were  called  to  account  by  the  king,  Jehoiada  intro- 
duced the  simple  but  effective  device  of  placing  at 
the  right  side  of  the  entrance  of  the  Temple  a  chest 
with  a  hole  in  the  lid  into  which  the  priests  who 
guarded  the  door  cast  the  offerings  of  the  people. 
As  the  money  accumulated,  it  was  taken  from  thence 
by  the  priest  and  royal  secretary  and  paid  directly  to 
the  workmen.  In  this  way  the  structure  of  the  Temple 
was  rescued  from  decay. 

119.  The  long  reign  of  Joash  was  further  charac- 
terized by  a  threatened  invasion  led  by  the  ambitious 
king  of  Damascus,  Hazael,  who  not  only  overran  Israel, 
but  also  attacked  the  Philistine  town  of  Gath,  which 
he  captured  and  desti^oyed  so  effectually  that  it  hence- 
forth disappeared  from  the  list  of  the  Philistine  Pen- 
tapolis.  Jerusalem  was  the  next  place  toward  which 
he  turned  for  plunder.  Joash,  however,  anticipated  at- 
tack, and  saved  his  capital  by  turning  over  to  Hazael 
the  accumulated  treasures  of  the  Temple  and  palace. 
The  latter  part  of  his  reign  was  further  darkened  by  a 
conspiracy  among  liis  servants,  who  for  some  unknown 
cause  slew  him  at  the  house  of  Millo. 

120.  The  hereditary  principle  was  so  strong  in  Ju- 
dah  that  Amaziah,  his  son,  succeeded  Joash  without 
serious  opposition.  As  soon  as  he  l)ecame  the  real 
master  of  his  realm,  he  avenged  the  death  of  liis  father 
by  slaying  his  murderers.     For  the  first  time  (com- 


CONQUESTS  OF  AMAZIAH  123 

pare  Josh.  vii.  24-26 ;  II.  Sam.  xxi. ;  II.  Kings  ix.  26) 
the  milder  custom,  which  finds  expression  in  Deuter- 
onomy xxiv.  16,  of  not  visiting  upon  the  innocent  off- 
spring the  crimes  of  the  parent,  was  observed.  The 
act  represented  such  a  marked  advance  toward  civili- 
zation that  it  justly  commanded  the  especial  attention 
of  the  writer  of  II.  Kings  xiv.  6.  Amaziah's  attitude 
toward  the  national  religion  was,  like  that  of  his 
father,  exceedingly  friendly. 

121.  During  the  earlier  part  of  the  Assyrian  period 
of  Judean  history  the  smaller  and  more  protected 
Hebrew  kingdom  felt  the  influence  of  the  great  em- 
pire on  the  Tigris  only  inchrectl}^  When  the  power 
of  Damascus  was  broken,  it  improved  the  opportunity, 
as  did  Israel,  to  extend  its  boundaries.  Since  the  days 
of  Jehoram  (sect.  45),  the  Edomites  had  maintained 
their  independence.  Amaziah  invaded  their  land, 
and  fought  a  successful  battle  in  the  Valley  of 
Salt,  to  the  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  in  which  a  large 
number  of  the  Edomites  Avere  slain.  Sela  ("The 
Rock,"  better  known  by  its  later  Greek  name  Petra) 
was  captured,  and  its  name  changed  to  Joktheel,  as 
long  as  it  remained  under  the  sway  of  Judah.  Ama- 
ziah's conquests  appear  to  have  extended  southward  to 
Elath,  on  the  Red  Sea  (II.  Kings  xiv.  22) ;  but  the 
Edomites  still  retained  the  eastern  portion  of  their  ter- 
ritory. Amos  later  predicted  the  coming  destruction 
of  Teman  and  Bozrah,  which  in  his  day  were  the  chief 
Edomite  cities  (i.  12).  The  kings  of  Edom  figure  fre- 
quently among  the  princes  of  Palestine,  who  subse- 
quently paid  tribute  to  the  conquering  monarchs  of 
Assyria,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  were  sub- 
ject to  Judah, 


124  A   HISTOKY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

122.  Elated  by  his  victory  over  the  Edomites,  Ama- 
ziah  sent  his  fatal  challenge  to  Joash  of  Israel  (sect. 
75).  Although  the  power  of  the  northern  kingdom 
had  been  broken  by  its  long  wars  with  Damascus,  it 
was  rapidly  recovering,  and  its  resources  far  exceeded 
those  of  Judah.  Joash,  therefore,  showed  a  fraternal 
consideration  for  his  cousins  of  the  south  in  endeavor- 
ing to  persuade  Amaziah  to  desist  from  his  foolhardy 
enterprise ;  but  the  Judean  king  refused  to  listen,  and 
learned  his  error  when,  at  Bethshemesh,  he  was  de- 
serted by  his  army  and  found  himself  the  captive  of 
the  king  of  Israel.  A  long  section  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem was  torn  down,  the  Temple  and  palace  were  de- 
spoiled of  their  treasures,  and  hostages  taken.  Like 
his  father,  Amaziah  fell  a  victim  to  a  conspiracy.  The 
cause  was  probably  the  discontent  aroused  by  the  dis- 
astrous results  of  his  rash  attack  upon  Israel.  Recog- 
nizing his  danger,  he  fled  from  Jerusalem  to  the  border 
town  of  Lachish,  whither  his  assassins  pursued  and 
where  they  slew  him.  He  was,  however,  accorded  a 
burial  in  the  royal  tombs,  and  his  son  regularly  suc- 
ceeded him. 

123.  The  youth  of  sixteen  who  was  thus  raised  to 
the  throne  of  Judah  possessed  the  energy  of  his  father, 
and  in  addition  a  prudence  and  organizing  ability  which 
made  his  reign  the  most  glorious  since  the  division  of 
the  kingdoms.  His  official  name  appears  to  have  been 
Azariah.  This  is  the  one  by  which  he  is  generally 
known  in  the  Book  of  Kings,  and  also  on  the  Assyrian 
monuments,  while  in  the  prophecies  and  Clironicles 
(excepting  I.  Chron.  iii.  13)  he  is  called  Uzziah.  The 
latter  may  have  been  the  name  by  which  he  was  fami- 
liarly known  among  liis  people,  but,  by  later  genera- 


THE  BRILLIANT  REIGN  OF  AZARIAH  125 

tions,  it  was  shortened  still  further  to  Uzza  (II.  Kings 
xxi.  18,  26).  He  was  afflicted  by  leprosy,  and  so,  in 
accordance  with  the  inexorable  Hebrew  custom,  which 
made  no  exception  even  for  a  king,  was  obliged  to 
dwell  in  his  separate  palace.  His  son,  Jotham,  as- 
sumed charge  of  the  court,  and  discharged  the  public 
duties  of  the  king  as  judge  of  the  realm. 

124.  The  Book  of  Kings  is  as  silent  respecting  the 
long  and  important  reign  of  Azariah  (Uzziah)  as  it 
is  concerning  that  of  his  contemporary,  Jeroboam  II. 
of  Israel.  The  chronicler,  however,  has  preserved 
an  account  of  his  military  successes  which  may  be 
regarded  as  historical.  Wliile  Israel  was  extending 
its  boundaries  in  the  north  and  east,  Judah  was  push- 
ing in  the  opposite  directions.  The  territory  of  the 
Philistines,  whose  power  had  been  broken  by  the  Ara- 
means  (sect.  119),  was  invaded  and  several  of  their 
cities  captured.  Hebrew  colonies  were  settled  in  the 
lands  thus  annexed.  The  prophet  Micah,  who  came 
from  Moresheth,  a  little  town  tributary  to  Gath  (Micah 
i.  1,  14),  was  probably  a  descendant  of  these  colonists. 
Some  of  the  towns  mentioned  in  his  opening  proph- 
ecy (i.  10-16)  may  have  been  those  founded  by 
Azariah  (Uzziah)  at  this  time.  Elath,  the  Edomite 
town  on  the  Red  Sea,  which  had  been  the  port  from 
which  Hebrew  ships  in  the  earlier  days  went  forth  to 
engage  in  trade  with  Arabia  and  India,  was  rebuilt. 
The  revival  of  commerce,  therefore,  explains  in  part 
the  prosperity  of  the  period.  Azariah's  wars  against 
the  Arabian  tribes  were  presumably  to  protect  his 
merchants  and  to  secure  an  undisturbed  passage  to 
the  port  on  the  Red  Sea.  The  series  of  building  en- 
terprises attributed  to  him  by  the  chronicler  is  quite 


126  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

in  accord  with  his  character.  The  walls  of  Jerusalem 
were  rebuilt  and  provided  with  towers ;  the  army  also 
was  thoroughly  organized;  cisterns  were  dug  to  col- 
lect and  retain  the  winter  rains  ;  and  watch-towers 
were  constructed  in  the  wilderness  for  the  protection 
of  the  herds  of  cattle  which  belonged  to  the  king.  In 
the  uplands  he  had  many  fields,  carefully  tilled  by 
husbandmen  and  vinedressers,  since  he  was  a  patron 
and  lover  of  agriculture. 

125.  From  two  fragmentary  inscriptions  of  Tiglath- 
Pileser  III.,  we  learn  that  the  influence  of  this  strong 
Judean  king  was  felt  throughout  the  Palestinian  world. 
Jeroboam  II.  died  about  740  b.  c,  and  Israel  quickly 
fell  into  disorder  (sect.  96).  This  perhaps  explains 
why  in  739  or  738  B.  c,  Azariah  (Uzziah)  was  recog- 
nized as  the  leader  of  the  coalition  of  Syrian  states 
which  attempted  to  check  the  advance  of  Assyria  in 
the  north.  The  effort,  however,  was  in  vain.  The 
cities  of  Hamath  were  subjugated  by  Tiglath-Pileser. 
Judah  escaped  immediate  invasion  simply  because  its 
territory  was  far  removed  from  the  scene  of  its  defeat. 
The  reference  to  Azariah  (Uzziah)  in  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions  also  indicates  that  he  survived  nearly  as 
long  as  his  son  Jotham,  whose  independent  reign 
could  not  have  extended  beyond  two  or  three  years 
at  the  longest  (compare  sect.  113).  He  continued  the 
policy  of  his  father,  and  distinguished  his  rule  by 
building  the  upper  gate  of  the  Temple.  His  last 
year  was  darkened  by  the  threatened  invasion  of  the 
allied  kings  of  Israel  and  Damascus,  and  he  died, 
leaving  this  danger  as  an  unpleasant  heritage  to  his 
son  Ahaz. 


Ill 

THE  CRISIS   OF   734   B.  C. 

126.  The  occasion  of  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  its 
two  northern  neighbors  was,  as  has  been  indicated 
(sect.  99),  their  determination  to  force  the  southern 
kingdom  to  unite  with  them  in  a  revolt  against 
Assyria.  The  kings  of  Judah  had  measured  their 
strength  with  this  world-power  only  a  few  years  be- 
fore, and  were  loath  to  venture  another  experiment. 
The  northern  allies,  however,  were  insistent.  The 
armies  of  Damascus  captured  the  port  of  Elath,  ex- 
pelling the  Judeans,  and  thus  cut  off  the  source  of 
the  nation's  wealth.  When  Ahaz  still  refused  to  join 
the  coalition,  Pekah  of  Israel  and  Rezon  of  Damascus 
made  preparations  to  march  upon  Jerusalem,  depose 
its  unpatriotic  king,  and  install  a  certain  son  of 
Tabeel  in  his  place.  Undoubtedly  within  the  city 
itself  there  was  a  strong  party  favorable  to  the  coali- 
tion (Isa.  viii.  6).  The  energetic  foe  might  appear 
without  the  walls  at  any  time.  According  to  the 
chronicler  (II.  Chron.  xxviii.  5-18),  the  armies  of 
Judah  had  already  suffered  an  overwhelming  defeat  at 
the  hands  of  the  confederates.  Edomites  and  Philis- 
tines had  also  taken  advantage  of  the  weakness  of 
their  old  enemy  and  master,  to  devastate  and  overrun 

127 


128  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

its  southern  towns.  Well  may  Isaiah's  words,  pre- 
served in  chapter  i.  7,  8,  have  been  uttered  at  this  time 
"  Your  countiy  is  desolate ;  your  cities  are  burned 
with  fh'e ;  your  land,  strangers  are  devouring  it  in 
your  presence,  and  it  is  desolate,  as  the  overthrow  of 
strangers.  And  the  daughter  of  Zion  is  left  as  a  booth 
in  ci  vineyard,  as  a  lodge  in  a  garden  of  cucumbers,  as 
a  besieged  city."  Hearts  of  king  and  people  were 
moved  *'  as  the  trees  of  the  forest  are  moved  with  the 
wind  "  (Isa.  vii.  2).  The  future  of  Judah  depended 
upon  the  policy  which  should  then  be  adopted. 

127.  The  crisis  brought  into  prominence  two  men 
of  widely  different  character.  Ahaz,  the  king,  pos- 
sessed all  of  the  faults  with  few  of  the  virtues  of  the 
descendants  of  David.  He  was  superficial,  cowardly, 
superstitious,  and  selfishly  indifferent  to  the  welfare 
of  his  nation.  In  him  we  recognize  a  characteristic 
product  of  the  luxurious  reign  of  Azariah  (Uzziah). 
He  was  more  at  home  in  the  harem  than  on  the  tln^one. 
His  youth  and  inexperience  alone  palliate  his  faults. 

128.  Isaiah,  the  prophet,  was  at  this  time  also  a 
young  m.an.  His  ability  and  the  influence  which  he 
exerted  in  the  state  strengthen  the  testimony  of  tra- 
dition, which  maintains  that  he  was  closely  connected 
with  the  royal  family.  He  had  grown  up  at  Jeru- 
salem, familiar  with  the  life  of  the  court,  and  also 
with  that  broader  field  of  Semitic  politics  into  which 
Judah  was  then  entering.  About  the  time  of  his 
birth  the  remarkable  mission  of  the  Judean  Amos 
to  Israel  occurred.  The  ministry  of  Hosea  had  just 
been  completed.  The  grave  social  and  religious  prob- 
lems with  which  they  had  grappled  were  already 
present  in  Judah.     Related  as  intimately  as  was  the 


ISAIAH'S  CALL  TO  BE  A  PROPHET  129 

smaller  Hebrew  kingdom  to  the  greater,  the  revolu- 
tionizing messages  of  these  prophets  were  undoubtedly 
familiar  to  the  more  enlightened  men  in  the  south. 
Isaiah's  prophecies  indicate  that  as  a  young  man  he 
was  acquainted  with  these  great  teachers  of  the  north, 
if  not  personally,  at  least  through  their  written  or 
popularly  reported  sermons. 

129.   As  his  eyes  were  divinely  opened  to  a  broader 
and  deeper  conception  of  Jehovah  and  a  truer  appre- 
ciation of   conditions  within  and  without  Judah,  the 
conviction  deepened  that  some  one  must  undertake  the 
task,  unpleasant  as  it  would  necessarily  be,   of   pro- 
claiming the  new  truth  to  the  nation.     Four  or  five 
years   before   the  crisis  of  734  B.  c,  this  conviction 
culminated  in  a  definite  and  personal  call  for  him  to  be 
a  prophet.     The  day  and  hour  were  indelibly  fixed  in 
his  memory  (vi.  1).     As  his  spiritual  vision  was  clari- 
fied under  the  influence  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Highest, 
he  was  enabled  to  see  the  real  instead  of  the  symbol. 
In  place  of  the  Temple,  the  Ark  and  the  cherubim, 
he  beheld  the  God  of  perfect  holiness,  seated  upon  his 
tln-one.     In  the  presence  of  the  Holy  One  he  realized 
his  own  sinfulness  and  that  of  his  nation  with  a  vivid- 
ness unequalled  before,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of  man. 
The  realization  of   the  awful  contrast  presented  the 
need  which  was  the   occasion  of  his  call.     His  own 
symbolic  cleansing  was  an  earnest  of  the  free  forgive- 
ness which  would  always  follow  the  cry  of  penitence. 
The  voice  of  duty  was  plainly  recognized  as  the  voice 
of  God  calling  for  a  messenger  to  send  to  his  people. 
Unhesitatingly  Isaiah  offered  himself  and  was  accepted. 
Henceforth    his    life-work  was  to  preach  truth  to  a 
nation  which  turned  toward  it  only  a  deaf  ear ;  and, 


130  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

like  Hosea,  he  was  destined  to  see  the  cities  of  his 
beloved  land  laid  waste  and  devastated  simply  because 
of  this  stubborn  refusal  to  listen. 

130.  At  first  Isaiah  confined  himself  to  denunciation 
of  the  social  and  religious  evils  which  had  crept  into 
the  life  of  Judah  (sect.  110)  ;  but  the  needs  of  the 
situation  in  731  B.  c.  called  him  to  political  activity. 
Accompanied  by  his  little  son,  Shear-Jashub,  whose 
name  ("A  remnant  shall  return")  was  in  itself  a 
prophecy  of  hope,  lie  niet  Ahaz  one  day  near  the  con- 
duit, which  probably  led  from  the  pool  within  the  city, 
where  was  stored  the  water  which  issued  from  the 
present  Virgin's  Fount,  to  a  point  without  the  Avails. 
The  presence  of  the  king  at  this  place  suggests  that  he 
was  making  preparations  for  the  impending  siege. 
Isaiah's  words,  addressed  directly  to  him,  were  cal- 
culated to  inspire  confidence,  and  may  be  briefly  para- 
phrased :  "  Be  watchful,  O  king,  and  commit  yourself 
to  no  rash  policy ;  be  not  terrified  by  the  threatening 
foes,  for  their  show  of  power  is  like  the  last  fierce 
flame  which  blazes  up  before  a  firebrand  burns  out 
completely.  Surely  you  are  not  afraid  of  that  con- 
spirator, Pekah,  who  has  incited  Israel  to  make  this 
attack,  nor  of  his  ally,  Rezon.  It  is  Jehovah's  will 
that  their  plans  shall  be  overturned.  Israel  itself, 
before  many  years,  shall  go  down  to  its  ruin;  there- 
fore you  have  no  cause  for  fear;  but  if  you  do  not 
believe,  surely  you  shall  not  be  established." 

131.  Knowing,  perhaps,  that  Ahaz  was  already  plan- 
ning ignominiously  to  purchase  present  deliverance  by 
selling  his  freedom  to  Assyiia,  the  common  foe,  the 
prophet  waited  to  see  whether  or  not  he  would  heed 
his  words.     Perceiving  that  they  had  made  no  impres- 


ISAIAH'S  MYSTERIOUS   SIGN  131 

sion,  he  demanded,  "  Ask  thee  a  sign  of  the  Lord,  thy 
God;  ask  it  either  in  the  depth,  or  in  the  height 
above ;  "  but  he  was  speaking  to  deaf  ears.  Unwilling 
to  be  convinced,  Ahaz  replied,  "  I  will  not  ask,  neither 
will  I  tempt  the  Lord."  Indignantly  Isaiah  turned 
upon  the  hypocritical  king  and  his  faithless  princes, 
who  were  "  a  weariness  to  man  and  God  "  alike,  and, 
after  rebuking  them,  announced  unasked  his  myste- 
rious sign :  "  A  young  woman  shall  bear  a  son ;  amidst 
destitution  shall  he  grow  up,  but  before  he  shall  attain 
to  the  years  of  discretion  the  territory  of  these  foes 
whom  you  now  fear  shall  be  desolate."  The  name  of 
the  child,  Immanu-El  (God-with-us),  contained  a  prom- 
ise of  that  perfect  era  toward  which  the  prophet, 
surrounded  as  he  was  by  so  much  that  was  imperfect, 
confidently  looked ;  but  whether  the  child  was  the 
ideal  king  of  liis  later  prophecies,  his  own  offspring,  a 
son  of  Hezekiah,  or  any  child  that  might  be  born  at 
that  time,  it  is  clear,  in  the  light  of  the  context,  that 
the  allusion  to  his  birth  was  intended  primarily  as  a 
sign  that  Israel  and  Damascus,  and  Judah  also,  would 
soon  be  devastated  by  the  foreign  conqueror.  Casting 
aside  symbolism,  in  the  following  verses  Isaiah  plainly 
declares  to  Ahaz  that  the  nation  whose  favor  he  is 
courting  will  prove  the  instrument  whereby  Jehovah 
will  bring  a  desolating  judgment  upon  Judah,  and  that 
his  land  is  about  to  become  the  scene  of  the  great  con- 
test between  the  world  powers,  Egypt  and  Assyria. 

132.  Isaiah's  utterances  at  this  time  reveal  the 
clearness  and  depth  of  his  political  insight.  He 
not  only  correctly  estimated  the  relative  strength  of 
the  nations  with  which  Judah  must  deal,  but  antici- 
pated their  future  movements.     His  policy  of  holding 


132  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

aloof  from  all  foreign  entanglements  was  dictated  by 
reason  as  well  as  by  faith  in  Jehovah ;  for  union  with 
Pekah  and  Rezon  would  be  suicide ;  and  alliance  with 
Assyria  only  hastened  the  time  when  the  yoke  of  the 
rapacious  conqueror  should  rest  upon  the  neck  of  little 
Judah.  Ahaz,  however,  rejected  the  advice  of  his 
wisest  counsellor,  and  hastened  to  become  the  vassal  of 
his  deadliest  foe.  "I  am  thy  servant  and  thy  son," 
was  the  fawning  message  which  he  sent  to  Tiglath- 
Pileser.  Temple  and  palace  v/ere  desj)oiled  of  their 
treasures  to  swell  the  present  wherewith  Judah's  sub- 
jection was  purchased. 

133.  Treated  with  scorn  by  king  and  princes,  Isaiah 
turned  to  the  people.  No  means  were  left  untried  to 
impress  his  message  upon  his  countrymen.  On  a  great 
tablet  he  inscribed  the  significant  motto,  "  Swift  spoil, 
speedy  prey,"  and  placed  it  in  a  conspicuous  place 
Avhere  all  could  read  it.  Imitating  the  example  of 
Hosea  (Hosea  i.  4-9),  he  gave  as  a  name  to  a  child 
who  was  born  to  him  at  that  time  the  same  alarming 
words  which  proclaimed  the  speedy  devastation  of 
Samaria  and  Damascus  by  the  hands  of  the  Assyrians 
(viii.  3,  4).  Thus  he  endeavored  to  allay  the  terror 
inspired  by  the  cry  of  *'  conspiracy  "  which  had  rung 
tliroughout  the  city  when  the  news  had  come  of  the 
advance  of  the  northern  confederates,  and  to  arouse 
instead  a  genuine  trust  in  Jehovah  (Isa.  viii.  12).  The 
faith  of  the  masses,  however,  j^roved  no  stronger  than 
that  of  their  king  and  princes.  In  their  fright  they 
forgot  Jehovah,  and  resorted  unto  those  who  had 
"  familiar  spirits  and  unto  the  wizards  that  chirp  and 
that  mutter  "  (viii.  19).  Only  his  few  faithful  disciples, 
*'the  cliildren  whom  the  Lord  had  given  him,"  were 


JUDAH'S  SUBJECTION   TO  ASSYRIA  13B 

ready  to  wait  for  Jehovah,  who  had  for  the  time  bemg 
"  hidden  his  face  from  the  house  of  Jacob  "  (viii.  17, 
18).     In  them  he  recognized  the  true  hope  of  Judah; 
they  were  "  for  signs  and  wonders  in  Israeh"     Hence- 
forth he  devoted  himself  to  instructing  them  (viii.  16). 
134.   Tiglath-Pileser  III.  advanced  with  such  rapid- 
ity that   the   states   of    Palestine,    which    had    been 
wasting  their  energies  in  civil  war,  were  unable  to 
make  a  united  defence  (compare  sect.  99).     As  Isaiah 
had  predicted,   nation   after   nation  was    broken    m 
pieces.     Torrents   of  blood   flowed   from  one  end  of 
Syria  to  the  other,     Pekah  of  Israel  was  among  the 
first  to  fall.     Judah  alone  enjoyed  the  immunity  from 
attack   which   it  had  purchased  at   so  great  a   cost. 
Among  the  vassal  princes  who  assembled  at  Damascus 
to  do  homage  to  the  conqueror  was  Ahaz  of  Judah. 
Deterred  by  no  strong  religious  principles,  he  caused 
the  old  brazen  altar  which  stood  before  the  Temple  at 
Jerusalem  to  be  moved  to  the  north,  and  on  its  site 
he  reared  a  new  altar  after  the  style  of  one  which  he 
had  seen  in  Damascus.     To  gratify  his  Assyrian  mas- 
ter  still  further,  he  commanded  that  all  the  regular 
offerings   should  be   burnt  upon   this   foreign    altar. 
Other  innovations  were  introduced  into  the  Temple, 
presumably  with  the  same  object.     Even  within  their 
most  sacred  sanctuary,  the  Judeans  were  not  allowed 
to  forget  that  their  honor  and  independence  had  been 
forfeited  by  their  cowardly  king. 


IV 

SOCIETY  AND  EELIGION  IN  JTJDAH 

135.  For  the  first  century  and  a  half  after  the  divi- 
sion of  the  Hebrew  empire,  society  in  Judah  reverted 
to  the  simplicity  of  the  earlier  days.  Jerusalem, 
perched  on  a  barren  plateau,  surrounded  by  dry 
ravines  and  limestone  hills,  was  the  insignificant  capi- 
tal of  a  little  nation  of  herdsmen  and  vinedressers. 
Their  poverty  and  natural  seclusion  rendered  impor- 
tant social  transformations  impossible.  During  the 
reign  of  Azariah  (Uzziah),  however,  the  smaller  Hebrew 
kingdom  was  exposed  to  the  same  temptations  to 
which  the  larger  and  richer  northern  state  had  long 
been  subjected.  The  prolonged  and  prosperous  reign 
of  this  able  king  not  only  extended  Judah's  boundaries 
and  influence,  but  also  brought  wealth  and  peace  un- 
known since  the  days  of  Solomon.  The  capture  of 
the  Edomite  towns  of  Sela  and  Elath  opened  the  way 
for  commerce  with  Arabia  and  India.  The  approach 
of  Assp'ia  introduced  the  states  of  Palestine  to  the 
greater  world  without,  and  inspired  in  them  the  mate- 
rial ambitions  by  which  this  great  people  were  at  this 
time  dominated. 

136.  The  same  forces,  therefore,  which  revolution- 
ized society  in  Israel,  were  actively  at  work  in  Judah. 

134 


ISAIAH'S  SOCIAL  SERMONS  135 

They  began  to  be  felt  most  strongly  during  the  reigns 
of  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and  Hezekiah.  We  might  suspect 
that  Amos  magnified  the  social  evils  of  Israel,  did  not 
the  royal  prophet  Isaiah  and  his  contemporary,  Micah, 
picture  those  of  Judah  in  still  darker  colors.  Danger 
from  without  always  led  the  prophets  to  study  condi- 
tions within  the  state  more  closely,  just  as  to-day  extra 
sanitary  precautions  are  taken  when  a  dread  pestilence 
threatens.  Consequently  the  social  sermons  of  the 
prophets  were  delivered  in  connection  with  the  crises 
of  their  nation. 

137.  The  earliest  public  addresses  of  Isaiah  with 
which  we  are  familiar  were  upon  social  themes,  and 
belong  to  the  troublesome  days  preceding  the  invasion 
of  734  B.  c.  The  one  preserved  in  chapter  v.  may  be 
regarded  as  typical.  Like  Amos,  with  consummate 
skill  he  gains  the  hearing  of  his  audience  before  pro- 
nouncing their  condemnation.  Accordingly  he  asks 
permission  to  sing  to  them  a  song.  His  words  are  cast 
in  the  light,  tripping  metre  of  the  vineyard  ditty,  so 
agreeable  to  the  ears  of  a  people  whose  chief  occupa- 
tion was  the  culture  of  the  vine ;  the  theme  also  was  a 
vineyard  established  by  a  dear  friend.  Briefly  he 
recounts  how  a  fair  site  was  selected,  the  ground  pre- 
pared and  no  pains  spared  to  make  it  perfect  in  every 
detail ;  but,  alas,  its  fruit !  It  has  only  wild  grapes. 
"  Is  it  not  just,  O  Judeans,  to  destroy  utterly  this  vine- 
yard? "  While  their  heads  are  still  nodding  in  ready 
assent,  like  a  flash  comes  the  application :  "  Israel  is 
the  vineyard,  carefully  planted  by  Jehovah.  Judah  is 
his  favorite  vine.  Are  the  fruits  justice  and  righteous- 
ness? No;  only  oppression  and  the  cry  of  the 
wronged."     Not  content  with  general  denunciations, 


136  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

the  prophet  proceeds  to  point  out  the  most  heinous 
crimes  :  "  Woe  unto  them  that  join  house  to  house, 
that  lay  field  to  field,  till  there  be  no  room,  and  ye  be 
made  to  dwell  alone  in  the  midst  of  the  land."  So 
vivid  is  the  picture  that  one  can  see  the  rich  nobles 
gradually  driving  out  their  poorer  neighbors  from  their 
little  ancestral  possessions,  that  they  may  add  acre 
after  acre  to  their  huge  estates.  Micah  a  few  years 
later  echoed  the  same  protest:  "Woe  to  them  that 
devise  iniquity  and  work  evil  upon  their  beds! 
When  the  morning  is  light  they  practise  it,  because 
it  is  in  the  power  of  their  hand;  and  they  covet 
fields,  and  seize  them;  and  houses,  and  take  them 
away;  and  they  oppress  a  man  and  his  house,  even 
a  man  and  his  heritage "  (ii.  1,  2).  Both  prophets 
recognized  that  this  process  was  rapidly  reducing 
the  independent  freedmen  to  servitude  and  thereby 
destroying  the  middle  class  in  Judah. 

138.  Again  Isaiah  pronounced  a  woe  upon  those 
who  make  di'inking  and  feasting  the  chief  end  of 
their  existence.  He  realized  that  the  whole  com- 
munity suffered  from  this  wanton  waste :  "  There- 
fore my  people  are  gone  into  captivity,  for  lack  of 
knowledge ;  and  their  honorable  men  are  famished, 
and  their  multitude  are  parched  with  thirst."  So 
great  was  his  abhorrence  of  the  intemperance  in  Judah 
that  the  prophet  utters  in  the  same  sermon  (verses  22, 
23)  another  contemptuous  woe  against  those  "  mighty 
to  drink  wine  and  men  of  strength  to  mingle  strong 
diink." 

139.  The  prophets  of  Judah,  like  those  of  Israel, 
recognized  that  the  rulers  were  chiefly  to  blame  for  the 
awful  social  corruption.     Micah,  who  regarded  them, 


CORRUPTION  OF  THE  RULERS        137 

as  did  Amos,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  masses, 
declared  that  they  were  cannibals  "  who  tear  the  flesh 
of  the  people  from  their  bones  and  eat  it "  (iii,  2,  3). 
Their  greed  and  rapacity  knew  no  limit.  Like  high- 
way robbers  they  pounced  upon  the  passer-by  and 
stripped  off  his  robe  (ii.  8).  Helpless  women  and  chil- 
di-en  were  their  especial  prey  (ii.  9).  Under  the  name 
of  justice,  decisions  were  given  to  the  one  who  offered 
the  highest  bribe  (iii.  11).  Isaiah,  the  royal  prophet, 
repeatedly  denounced  them  in  language  equally  strong : 
"They  that  lead  Judah  cause  it  to  err.  They  spoil 
the  poor  in  their  houses  and  crush  my  people"  (iii.  14, 
15).  "  The  princes  are  companions  of  thieves  ;  every- 
one loveth  gifts  and  hath  no  regard  for  the  cause  of 
the  widow  and  fatherless"  (i.  23).  The  women  of 
Judah  also  were  ruled  by  a  passion,  not  for  gratifying 
their  appetites,  as  were  those  of  Israel,  but  for  show 
and  adornment,  which  was  leading  them  on  to  commit 
the  most  cruel  excesses  (Isa.  iii.  16,  17).  None  of 
the  social  evils  to  which  an  Oriental  state  is  peculiarly 
subject  were  lacking  in  Judah.  The  little  kingdom 
was  poorly  prepared  to  weather  the  terrific  storms 
which  were  about  to  sweep  over  it ;  for,  according  to 
the  testimony  of  its  acutest  statesman,  "from  the 
sole  of  the  foot  even  unto  the  head,  there  was  no 
soundness  in  it "  (Isa.  i.  6). 

140.  Since  it  bore  such  evil  fruits,  it  may  be  inferred 
that  the  religion  of  Judah  was  little  better  than  that 
of  Israel.  The  few  historical  references  confirm  the 
truth  of  this  inference.  Until  the  political  revolution 
instigated  by  Jehoiada  (sect.  118)  overthi-ew  the  tem- 
ple and  worship  of  the  Tpian  Baal,  they  appear  to 
have   been   tolerated  without  open  opposition.     The 


138  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

revolution  itself  represented  not  so  much  an  advance 
as  a  return  to  ideas  and  forms  already  generally  ac- 
cepted. The  religiouis  history  of  Judah,  therefore, 
during  the  first  century  of  the  Assyrian  period  is 
marked  by  little  appreciable  progress.  The  popular 
conceptions  of  Jehovah  and  the  forms  with  which  he 
was  worshipped  were  the  same  as  in  the  earlier  days. 
The  compiler  of  Kings,  viewing  the  history  from  a  later 
period,  considered  it  a  sin  that  "  the  high  places  were 
not  taken  away ;  the  people  still  sacrificed  and  burnt 
incense  in  the  high  places."  But  the  age  saw  in  it 
nothing  wrong;  for  the  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem  had 
not  yet  attained  its  commanding  prestige. 

141.  Under  the  influence  of  the  Canaanitish  cult, 
the  people  still  worshipped  trees  as  symbols  of  life,  and 
indulged  in  the  debasing  practices  associated  therewith 
(Isa.  i.  29) ;  but  Baalism  never  proved  as  seductive 
to  the  Judeans  as  to  the  Israelites,  whose  territory  was 
largely  agricultural.  Instead,  they  appear  to  have  re- 
tained many  of  the  primitive  superstitions,  inherited 
from  their  nomadic  past,  and  conserved  by  their  con- 
stant contact  with  the  tribes  of  the  desert.  Into  the 
reign  of  Hezekiah  the  masses  continued  to  worsliip  a 
brazen  serpent  which  was  associated  with  the  name  of 
Moses  (II.  Kings  xviii.  4).  Isaiah  complained  that 
"  Their  land  also  is  full  of  idols  ;  they  worship  the 
work  of  their  own  hands,  that  which  their  own  fingers 
have  made  "  (ii.  8).  Idols  of  silver  and  of  gold,  prob- 
ably corresponding  to  the  teraphim,  or  family  idols, 
frequently  referred  to  in  the  earlier  times  (1.  sects.  69, 
167),  seem  to  have  been  commonly  found  in  the  pos- 
session of  private  individuals  as  well  as  in  the  public 
sanctuaries  (Isa.  ii.  20). 


FALSE  PRIESTS  AND  PROPHETS  139 

142.  Their  unjustifiable  appropriation  of  the  funds 
intended  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple  indicates  that 
the  priests  of  the  royal  sanctuary  during  the  days 
of  Joash,  when  the  greatest  purity  might  have  been 
expected,  were  little  better  than  those  who  ministered 
at  the  northern  shrines.  Micah,  with  his  usual  blunt- 
ness,  declared  that  the  priests  of  his  day  taught  for 
hire  (iii.  11).  The  official  prophets  he  condemns  still 
more  severely ;  not  only  do  they  "  divine  for  money  " 
(iii.  11),  but  "  they  even  prepare  war  against  the  one 
who  putteth  not  into  their  mouths  "  (iii.  5).  Deuter- 
onomy xviii.  9-22  declares  that  one  of  the  missions 
of  the  true  prophet  is  to  take  the  place  of  the  diviners, 
augurs,  enchanters,  sorcerers,  charmers,  consulters  with 
familiar  spirits,  wizards,  and  necromancers  to  whom 
the  people  were  Avont  to  resort.  Isaiah  refers  to  these 
false  religious  guides  as  being  very  common  in  his  day, 
and  speaks  sorrowfully  of  those  who  go  to  consult  them 
(viii.  19;  xxix.  4;  iii.  3).  Both  Isaiah  (ii.  3)  and 
Micah  (iii.  7)  associate  them  with  the  regular  prophets 
of  Jehovah.  Their  references  imply  that  the  people 
considered  them  to  be  as  reputable  and  important 
members  of  the  community  as  the  judge,  the  priest, 
the  military  captain,  and  the  counsellor. 

143.  The  same  fundamental  errors  characterized 
the  popular  religion  of  both  Judah  and  Israel.  A 
formal,  ceremonial  service  was  regarded  as  sufficient, 
and  morality  as  almost  non-essential  (Isa.  i.  10-17 ; 
Micah  vi.  6-8).  Jehovah  ever  remained  the  tribal 
god  of  Judah;  but  this  did  not  deter  the  ordinary 
citizen,  nor  such  a  king  as  Ahaz,  from  "  making  his 
son  to  pass  through  the  fire  according  to  the  abomina- 
tions of  the  heathen"  (II.   Kings  xvi.  3),  and  from 


140  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

freely  adopting  foreign  customs  (Isa.  ii.  6),  and  even 
from  paying  homage  to  the  deities  of  the  surrounding 
nations  (Micah  i.  13).  Reformations  more  fundamen- 
tal than  that  v/hich  is  attributed  to  Hezekiah  by  the 
author  of  Kings  (II.  Kings  xviii.  4),  and  which  would 
transform  the  formal  ceremonial  into  an  ethical  and 
spiritual  religion,  were  required,  before  the  faith  of  j 
Judah  would  be  prepared  to  meet  the  supreme  test 
which  awaited  it.  An  understanding  of  the  prevailing 
religious  conditions  and  ideas  alone  furnishes  the  basis 
for  an  adequate  appreciation  of  the  marvellous  degree 
of  spiritual  enlightenment  which  was  vouchsafed  to 
the  prophets  who  proclaimed  the  true  God  to  their 
nation.  The  striking  contrast  between  popular  and 
prophetic  fa,ith  is  exjolained  only  as  we  recognize  the 
patent  fact  that  "Jehovah  had  spoken  to  his  servants." 


THE   GREAT   INVASION   OF   SENNACHERIB 

144.  The  fall  of  Samaria  in  722  b.  c.  made  an  im- 
pression upon  Judah  which  was  not  soon  forgotten. 
This  was  deepened,  when  two  years  later  Sargon  met 
and  signally  defeated  an  Egyptian  army  under  Sha- 
baka,  near  Raphia,  on  the  borders  of  the  land  of  the 
Nile.  The  Judeans  were  thus  enabled  to  learn  by 
observation,  instead  of  by  bitter  experience,  that 
Assyria  was  practically  invincible.  For  three  decades 
they  profited  by  this  knowledge,  paid  tribute  to  Sargon, 
and  as  a  result  enjoyed  peace  and  prosperity.  The 
public  treasury,  depleted  by  Ahaz,  was  again  filled 
(II.  Kings  XX.  13),  and  the  Philistine  territory,  as  far 
as  Gaza,  was  conquered  (II.  Kings  xviii.  8).  To  this 
period  must  also  be  assigned  the  construction  by 
Hezekiah  of  the  pool  and  conduit  whereby  water  was 
brought  within  the  city  to  insure  a  supply  in  time 
of  siege  (II.  Kings  xx.  20).  This  work  may  be  iden- 
tified with  the  rock-cut  tunnel,  discovered  in  1880, 
which  conducts  the  water  which  flows  from  the 
present  Virgin's  Fount,  south  of  the  Temple  hill,  to 
the  pool  of  Siloam,  wliich  was  within  the  ancient  city 
walls,  and  within  which  was  found  the  ancient  Hebrew 
inscription    describing    the   process    of    construction. 

141 


142  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

Hezekiali  also  figures  as  a  patron  of  literature.  The 
collection  of  proverbs  preserved  in  chapters  xxv.-xxix. 
of  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  according  to  the  superscrip- 
tion  (xxv.   1),  "  were  copied  out "  by  his  scribes. 

145.  The  petty  states  of  Palestine  bore  with  impa- 
tience the  galling  yoke  of  Assyria.  The  masses  in 
time  forgot  the  lessons  which  they  had  learned  and 
listened  only  too  readily  to  Egypt,  which,  consistently 
with  its  usual  policy,  was  endeavoring  to  stir  up 
rebellion  among  the  vassals  of  its  powerful  rival. 
Consequently  in  most  of  the  cities  of  Syria  there  arose 
a  party  who,  relying  upon  the  aid  of  Eg}^3t,  were 
eager  to  try  their  chances  in  a  revolt.  In  711  b.  c. 
this  element  gained  the  ascendency  in  the  Philistine 
town  of  Ashdod,  and  induced  it  to  refuse  the  usual 
tribute.  Gath  was  drawn  into  the  rebellion,  and  a 
strong  part}^  in  Judali  favored  union  with  the  rebels. 
To  avert  the  danger,  Isaiah  employed  extreme  meas- 
ures to  bring  his  countrymen  to  their  senses  and  keep 
them  true  to  their  pledges  to  Assyria.  Taking  off  his 
outer  garment,  with  bare  feet,  in  the  significant  garb 
of  a  captive,  he  went  about  Jerusalem  for  three  years 
"  as  a  sign  and  a  wonder  upon  Egypt  and  Ethiopia" 
(Isa.  XX.  3) .  His  words  and  action  dissipated  the  popu- 
lar illusion  respecting  Egypt's  strength  sufficiently  to 
save  Judah  from  becoming  fatally  involved.  Sargon, 
recognizing  the  danger  of  a  general  uprising,  advanced 
with  lightning  rapidity  (as  he  assures  us  in  his  inscrip- 
tions), not  even  waiting  to  collect  his  entire  army. 
Ashdod  found  itself  deserted  by  its  allies ;  the  rebel 
king  fled  to  Egypt,  and  the  rigors  of  conquest  were 
visited  upon  the  inhabitants.  The  tribute  and  presents 
of  Judah,  Edom,  and  Moab,  "  who  were  plotting  revolt 


MOVEMENTS  TOWARD  REBELLION  143 

and  treason "  (Sargon  Cyl.  Inscp.  29)  were  accepted, 
and  peace  was  established  in  Palestine. 

146.  While  Sargon  lived,  the  subject  peoples  re- 
mained quiet ;  but  his  assassination  in  705  B.  c.  was 
a  cause  of  wild  rejoicing  (Isa.  xiv.  29),  and  became 
the  occasion  of  a  widespread  uprising.  Merodach- 
Baladan,  the  king  of  Babylon  who  had  been  over- 
thrown and  driven  from  his  capital  in  709  b.  c, 
returned  to  head  the  revolt  in  the  east.  Outside  of 
Babylonia,  he  induced  the  Elamites,  certain  Arameans 
of  Mesopotamia,  and  Arabian  tribes  to  unite  with  him. 
It  was  probably  at  this  time  that  his  ambassadors 
appeared  in  Jerusalem  and  were  so  cordially  received 
by  Hezekiah  (II.  Kings  xx.  12-21 ;  Isa.  xxxix.). 
The  readiness  of  the  Judean  king  to  show  them  all 
the  treasures  and  equipment  of  his  capital,  and  the 
indignant  protest  of  Isaiah  are  explained  when  it 
becomes  clear  that  their  mission,  although  ostensibly 
to  congratulate  Hezekiah  on  his  recovery  from  a 
severe  illness,  was  in  reality  to  induce  him  to  join  the 
grand  coalition. 

147.  Isaiah,  who  in  734  b.  c.  had  so  strenuously 
opposed  alliance  with  Assyria,  now  exerted  all  his 
influence  to  deter  the  leaders  of  his  nation  from  taking 
the  fatal  steps.  "  In  quietness  and  in  confidence 
shall  be  your  strength"  (xxx.  15)  was  the  keynote 
of  all  his  teaching.  The  statesmen  of  Judah,  how- 
ever, were  intoxicated  with  the  spirit  of  revolt  (Isa. 
xxviii.  7  ;  xxx.  9).  Prophets,  seers,  and  wise  men. 
with  their  siren  songs,  encouraged  them  in  their  wild 
course  (xxix.  9-14).  A  mad  recklessness  took  posses- 
sion of  all,  and  the  baser  elements,  "  the  scornful  men," 
ruled  public  opinion  (xxviii.  14, 15).     Isaiah's  "  precept 


144  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

upon  precept  and  line  upon  line,"  which  had  held 
Judah  to  a  true  course  for  thirty  years,  were  rejected 
(xxviii.  9-13).  In  vain  he  declared  that  "out  of 
the  serpent's  root  shall  come  forth  an  adder,"  and  with 
prophetic  vision  pointed  out  the  "  smoke  that  cometh 
out  of  the  north  "  (xiv.  29,  31).  The  nations,  however, 
could  not  believe  that  another  conqueror  like  Sargon 
would  rise  in  his  stead.  At  first  the  anti- Assyrian 
party  carried  on  their  counsels  in  secret,  fearing, 
doubtless,  the  opposition  of  Isaiah  (xxix.  15) ;  but  at 
length  Judah  openly  arrayed  itself  under  the  standard 
of  revolt.  Already  this  had  been  raised  in  the  towns 
of  Phoenicia  and  Philistia.  Sidon  in  the  north,  and 
Ekron  in  the  south  v/ere  the  leaders.  Padi,  the 
vassal  king  of  Ekron,  wdio  remained  faithful  to  his 
Assyrian  master,  was  sent  in  chains  to  Jerusalem. 
Ambassadors  were  despatched  to  secure  the  aid  of 
Tirhakah,  the  Ethiopian  prince  who  had  recently 
usurped  the  throne  of  Egypt.  Isaiah  pointed  with 
scorn  to  ^^  Egypt  that  helpeth  in  vain,  and  to  no 
purpose;  therefore,  have  I  called  her  Kaliab,  that 
sitteth  still "  (xxx.  7).  His  charge  against  the  leaders 
of  Jerusalem,  however,  was  not  merely  one  of  folly 
and  shortsightedness.  Their  supreme  mistake  was 
that  "  they  looked  not  imto  the  Holy  One  of  Israel, 
neither  sought  the  Lord ; "  instead,  they  placed  their 
whole  trust  in  their  military  equipment  and  "  in  the 
shadow  of  Egypt''  (xxxi.  1;  xxx.  1-4),  forgetting 
that  "the  Egj-ptians  were  men  and  not  God;  and 
their  horses  flesh  and  not  spirit"  (xxxi.  3).  From  the 
first  Isaiah  took  his  stand  upon  the  principle  that  Zion 
was  inviolable,  and  declared  that  although  the  rulers 
of  Judah  should  learn  to  their  shame  the  folly  of  their 


SENNACHEKIB'S   CONQUEST   OF   PALESTINE        145 

plans,  yet  at  the  last  Jehovah  would  deliver  his  holy- 
city  (xxix.  5-8 ;  xxxi.  4-9). 

148.  Events  soon  demonstrated  the  truth  of  the 
prophet's  position.  Sennacherib,  who  succeeded  Sar- 
gon,  proved  as  great  a  general  as  his  father.  Until 
702  B.  c.  he  was  occupied  in  suppressing  the  rebellion 
in  the  east.  Merodach-Baladan  was  at  last  completely 
vanquished.  Master  of  the  east,  Sennacherib  turned 
his  large  army,  noAV  flushed  with  victory,  toward  Pales- 
tine. He  found  the  rebels  poorly  organized.  Without 
aiding  one  another,  they  each  fell  in  turn  an  easy  prey. 
His  march  lay  along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Sidon  fell  first,  with  its  dependent  towns.  "  Ethobal 
upon  the  royal  throne,  I  placed  over  them,  and  the 
payment  of  the  tribute  of  my  lordship,  every  year 
without  change,  I  laid  upon  him.  Menahem  of  Sam- 
simuruna  [Samaria],  Ethobal  of  Sidon,  Mitinti  of 
Ashdod,  Buduilu  of  Ammon,  Chemoshnadab  of  Moab, 
Malik-rammu  of  Edom  (all  the  kings  of  the  west-land) 
brought  rich  presents,  heavy  gifts  together  with  mer- 
chandise before  me,  and  kissed  my  feet,"  is  the  testi- 
mony of  the  conqueror  (Taylor  Prism,  ii.  44-57).  At 
the  first  blow,  therefore,  half  the  princes  of  Palestine 
hastened  to  submit.  From  Phoenicia,  Sennacherib 
marched  at  once  against  the  Philistine  town  of  Aske- 
lon,  capturing  it,  and  thereby  preventing  a  union  be- 
tween the  rebels  and  their  Egyptian  allies.  Thence 
he  turned  back  against  Ekron,  which  had  led  the  up- 
rising. While  besieging  this  city  he  met,  at  the  neigh- 
boring town  of  Eltekeh,  an  army  sent  by  Tirhakah  to 
the  relief  of  Ekron.  According  to  the  Assyrian  annals, 
the  Egyptian  troops  experienced  a  signal  defeat.  They 
were   certainly  forced   to   retire,  leaving   Ekron   and 

10 


146  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

Judali  to  their  fate.  Longer  resistance  was  hopeless. 
The  bodies  of  the  rebellious  princes  of  the  Philistine 
city  were  impaled  on  stakes  without  its  walls,  and 
their  supporters  carried  away  into  captivity,  and  the 
deposed  king,  Pach,  restored  to  his  tln^one. 

149.  The  evils  which  were  about  to  overtake  his 
countrymen  were  due  to  the  mistakes  against  wdiich 
Isaiah  had  repeatedly  v/arned  them,  yet  he  did  not  re- 
main silent.  As  the  gloom  deepened,  his  prophecies 
of  ultimate  deliverance  became  more  definite  and  cer- 
tain. Even  while  the  Assyrians  were  in  the  north  he 
uttered  the  sublime  address  contained  in  x.  5-xi.  9 : 
"  Assyria  is  advancing,"  is  the  underlying  thought, 
"crushing  nations,  and  will  yet  bring  woe  to  rebel- 
lious Judah ;  but  it  is  only  the  rod  wherewith  Jehovah 
executes  judgment.  The  proud  king  of  Assyria,  how- 
ever, does  not  recognize  this  fact.  In  his  arrogance 
he  boasts  that  by  the  strength  of  his  own  hand  he  has 
conquered  the  world.  Shall  the  ax  boast  itself  against 
him  that  heweth  therewith  ?  The  Assyrians  shall  be 
allowed  to  advance  unopposed  to  the  very  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  and  then  Jehovah  will  suddenly  arise  and 
cast  them  down  in  utter  ruin.  As  the  danger  increased, 
the  prophet  repeatedly  proclaimed  these  stupendous 
truths  (xiv.  24-27  ;  xvii.  12-14).  The  basis  of  his  pre- 
dictions was  the  realization  that  the  God  of  Judah  was 
the  Lord  of  hosts  whose  "  hand  is  stretched  out  upon 
all  the  nations,  and  whose  purpose  none  can  disannul " 
(xiv.  27).  That  he  would  allow  this  arrogant  monster 
of  greed  and  cruelty  to  crush  completely  his  chosen 
people  was  incredible. 

150.  While  Isaiah  was  predicting  his  downfall,  Sen- 
nacherib was  completing  the  conquest  of  the  Philistine 


DEVASTATION  OF  JUDAH  147 

towns,  and  sending  detachments  of  his  army  up  the 
valleys  of  Judah  (Isa.  xxii.  7).  Forty-six  of  its  cities 
were  captured.  According  to  the  conqueror,  over  two 
hundred  thousand  Jewish  captives  were  dragged  away, 
together  with  huge  spoil,  consisting  of  horses,  mules, 
asses,  camels,  oxen,  and  innumerable  sheep.  The  terri- 
tory thus  ravaged  was  divided  between  their  old  ene- 
mies, the  kings  of  Ashdod,  Ekron,  and  Gaza,  to  make 
the  humiliation  greater;  and  a  grinding  tribute  was 
imposed.  Hezekiah  was  shut  up  "like  a  caged  bird 
within  his  city,"  and  the  walls  encircled  with  siege 
towers  so  that  none  could  escape.  For  a  time  Heze- 
kiah offered  a  resistance.  Isaiah  xxii.  1-14  reflects 
some  of  the  details  of  the  siege :  the  armory  was  put 
in  readiness  for  attack,  the  waters  collected  in  the 
lower  pool,  and  a  reservoir  made  between  the  two 
walls  for  the  water  of  the  old  pool.  The  chronicler 
adds  (II.  Chron.  xxxii.)  that  all  the  fountains  without 
the  city  were  closed,  and  the  defences  strengthened. 
Isaiah  xxii.  10  also  states  that  certain  houses  within 
the  city  were  broken  down  to  fortify  the  wall.  The 
main  army  of  Sennacherib,  however,  did  not  advance 
against  Jerusalem,  because  it  was  still  occupied  in 
Philistia,  or  possibly  because  the  scant  supply  of  water 
furnished  by  the  barren  hills  of  Judah  rendered  it 
impracticable. 

151.  The  reason  wliich  led  Hezekiah  to  submit,  as 
suggested  both  b}^  the  inscription  of  Sennacherib  and 
Isaiah  xxii.  8,  was  that  the  rulers  and  the  allies  who 
had  been  introduced  within  the  city  for  its  defence 
were  completely  terrified  by  the  approach  of  the  foe, 
"fear  overcame  them"  (Taylor  Inscp.  iii.  32),  and  "all 
fled  away  together  "  (Isa.  xxii.  3).     The  same  cowardice 


148  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

evidently  characterized  the  attitude  of  the  leaders  at 
this  juncture,  as  a  few  days  later,  when  faced  by  a 
greater  danger.  Hezekiah,  who  was  nearly  as  weak  as 
his  craven  princes,  hastened  to  send  word  to  Sen- 
nacherib, who  was  then  besieging  the  border  town  of 
Lachish:  "I  have  offended;  return  from  nie;  that 
which  thou  puttest  upon  me  will  I  bear "  (II.  Kings 
xviii.  14).  He  paid  for  his  pardon  thirty  talents  of 
gold,  three  hundred  talents  (eight  hundred  Assyrian 
talents  according  to  the  inscriptions)  of  silver,  and 
spoil  of  every  description.  To  pay  this  huge  tribute, 
even  the  gold  on  the  doors  of  the  Temple  was  stripped 
off.  The  daughters  of  the  king  and  the  young  men 
and  women  of  his  palace  were  among  the  captives 
who  were  sent  back  to  Nineveh.  Isaiah  felt  no  sym- 
pathy with  the  wild  rejoicing  Avhich  followed  this  igno- 
minious deliverance,  purchased  "  by  the  spoiling  of  the 
daughter  of  my  people  "  (Isa.  xxii.  1-5).  "  Let  us  eat 
and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  shall  die"  (Isa.  xxii.  13) 
voiced  the  reckless  mood  of  princes  and  peo^^le. 

152.  The  unnatural  mirth  of  the  Jerusalemites  was 
quickly  turned  to  mourning;  for  the  greed  of  the 
Assyrian  monarch,  or  else  the  realization  that  it  would 
be  dangerous  to  leave  such  a  strong  fortress  in  the 
hands  of  those  who  might  become  foes  as  he  advanced 
to  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  led  him  to  send  certain  of 
his  officers  with  a  small  army  to  demand  the  uncondi- 
tional surrender  of  the  city.  Their  boasting  words 
struck  terror  to  the  hearts  of  all  except  one,  for  it 
seemed  the  height  of  folly  to  suppose  that  Jerusalem, 
weakened  as  she  was,  could  successfully  resist  the 
whole  might  of  the  Ass3^rian  army  should  it  be  turned 
against  her.     In  their  extremity  they  turned  to  Isaiah. 


THE  GREAT  DELIVERANCE  149 

His  words  of  assurance  nerved  Hezekiali  to  send  back 
a  refusal.     The  Assyrian  messenger  found  his  master 
at  Libnah,  having  completed  the  conquest  of  Lachish. 
News   soon  came  that  the  Egyptian  king,  Tirhakah,  • 
was  advancing.     With  the  exception  of  Jerusalem,  all 
Palestine  had  bowed  before  Sennacherib,  and  now  he 
made  a  last  effort  to  intimidate  it  into  surrender.     Of 
the  many  crises  through  which  Judah  passed,  this  was 
the  greatest.     Surrender  meant  the  destruction  of  the 
city  and  the  annihilation  of  the  nation;  a  refusal  to 
accede  to  the  demands  of  the  conqueror  would  leave 
no  hope  for  clemency  should  the  angry  king  turn  his^ 
hosts  upon  them.     Again  Isaiah  came  forth  to  save" 
the  city  by  his  inspired  and  inspiring  message:  "As- 
syria's arrogancy  and  blasphemy  shall  soon  be  punished. 
Jehovah  is  about  to   put  his   hook  in   its   nose   and 
turn  it  back  by  the  way  which  it  came.     The  king  of 
Assyria  shall  not  come  unto  this  city,  nor  shoot  an 
arrow  there,  neither  shall  he  come  before  it  with  shield, 
nor  cast  a  mount  against  it"  (II.  Kings  xix.  20-34). 

153.  Isaiah's  greatness  is  attested,  not  only  by  the 
sublimity  of  his  message,  but  by  the  fact  that  it  carried 
persuasion  with  it.  Sennacherib  set  out  to  meet  Tir- 
hakah without  taking  any  measures  to  execute  his 
threats  against  Jerusalem.  On  the  borders  of  Egypt 
he  suddenly  turned  back  and  never  again  dunng  his 
reign  visited  the  west-land.  His  annals  naturally 
make  no  reference  to  this  unexpected  retreat.  The 
Babylonian  chronicle  refers  to  an  uprising  which  may 
account  for  his  haste.  The  Egyptian  as  well  as  the 
biblical  allusions  suggest  that,  amidst  the  swampy 
marshes  at  the  northeastern  end  of  the  Nile  Delta,  Ins 
army  was  attacked  by  a  severe  pestilence,  which  the 


150  A  mSTOEY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

Hebrews  ever  regarded  as  the  work  of  an  angel  of 
Jehovah  (compare  II.  Kings  xix.  35  with  II.  Sam.  xxiv. 
15,  16),  so  that  he  did  not  dare  advance  with  his 
forces  thus  weakened.  Whatever  was  the  cause,  the 
fact  is  established  that  Isaiah's  marvellous  prediction 
was  most  signally  fulfilled,  and  Judah  delivered  solely 
by  his  activity  for  another  century  of  remarkable 
religious  development. 


VI 

THE  WORK  AND  TEACHINGS   OF   ISAIAH 

154.  Isaiah  is  unquestionably  the  most  perfect  ex- 
ample of  a  Hebrew  prophet,  for  in  him  every  side  of 
the  prophetic  activity  was  fully  developed.  While 
Micah  and  Amos  were  concerned  chiefly  with  social 
questions,  and  Hosea  with  morals  and  religion,  Isaiah 
spoke  with  authority  on  all  of  these  themes.  Every- 
thing that  concerned  his  nation,  and  consequently 
determined  its  attitude  toward  Jehovah,  whose  am- 
bassador he  was,  commanded  his  attention.  In  the 
politics  of  his  age  he  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the  central 
figure.  At  every  turn  in  the  varying  fortunes  of 
Judah  he  proved  himself  a  practical  statesman,  and  a 
loyal  patriot  as  well.  When  conditions  changed,  he 
urged  allegiance  to  Assyria  with  as  great  earnestness 
as  he  had  formerly  opposed  the  alliance.  Unceasingly 
he  combated  the  social  and  moral  evils  of  his  day,  and 
endeavored  to  overthrow  the  popular  fallacies  by  pre- 
senting fuller  truths.  Isaiah's  power  as  a  prophet, 
however,  rested  more  upon  the  strength  of  his  own  per- 
sonality and  his  marvellous  skill  in  presenting  his 
teachings,  than  upon  the  originality  of  the  truth  which 
he  thus  made  living  and  vivid ;  for  most  of  the  princi- 
ples which  he  emphasized  had  already  been  enunciated 
by  Amos  and  Hosea. 

151 


152  A   HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

155.  Underlying  all  his  teaching  was  the  exalted 
conception  of  the  holiness  of  God.  It  found  expres- 
sion at  the  time  of  his  call  in  the  v/ords  of  the  seraphim, 
''Holy,  holy,  holy  is  the  Lord  of  hosts;  the  Avhole 
earth  is  filled  with  his  glory."  It  was  repeated  again 
and  again  in  his  prophecies  in  the  designation  the 
"Holy  One  of  Israel,"  which  is  liis  most  common 
title  for  Jehovah.  Already  Amos  and  Hosea  had  re- 
ferred to  this  attribute  of  the  Highest  (Amos  iv.  2 ; 
Hosea  xi.  9) ;  and  it  was  a  quality  commonly  ascribed 
by  Semitic  peoples  to  their  deities  ;  but  Isaiah  gave  to 
it  a  depth  of  meaning  which  it  had  never  possessed  be-  , 
fore.  Its  original  significance  appears  to  have  been  / 
that  of  separation.  Applied  to  the  gods,  it  expressed 
the  idea  that  they  v/ere  separate  from  the  material 
world  to  which  their  v/orshippers  were  confined.  \ 
Among  the  Hebrews  the  conception  of  physical  in  \ 
time  grew  into  that  of  moral  separation.  Jehovah's 
holiness  was  his  moral  perfection  as  contrasted  with 
man's  imperfection.  By  Isaiah  it  was  used  as  a  com- 
prehensive designation  for  all  of  the  moral  attributes 
which  belong  to  God.  When  he  declared  that  Jehovah 
was  the  "  Holy  One  of  Israel,"  he  meant,  on  the  one 
hand,  that  Jehovah  stood  in  an  intimate  personal  rela- 
tion to  his  nation.  Upon  this  relationship  he  based 
the  teaching  that  God  would  not  allow  Jerusalem  to 
be  destroyed,  and  that  he  would  ever  preserve  at  least 
a  remnant  of  his  people.  On  the  other  hand,  Israel, 
being  in  a  peculiar  sense  Jehovah's  people,  was  his 
representative  and  under  solemn  obligation  to  reflect 
his  character.  The  social  and  moral  demands  which 
Isaiah  constantly  urged  upon  his  nation  rested  upon  this  • 
unique  relationship.    "  Ye  shall  be  holy,  for  I  am  holy  " 


ISAIAH'S  MESSIANIC  IDEALS  153 

later  expressed  the  fundamental  teaching  of  priest  as 
well  as  prophet  (Lev.  xix.  2;  xx.  7,  26). 

156.  The  coming  perfection,  which  he  pictured  so 
vividly  amidst  the  darkest  scenes  of  Judah's  degrada- 
tion and  disaster,  was  without  doubt  primarily  intended 
to  serve  as  a  basis  of  contrast  wherev/ith  to  bring  out 

o 

the  blackness  of  existing  conditions,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  inspire  his  countrymen  to  strive  for  the  speedy 
realization  of  that  perfection.  Although  in  the  high- 
est and  truest  sense  it  was  an  ideal,  it  was  also  a  pre- 
diction and  promise  of  the  futui'e,  since  the  inspired 
j)rophet  was  enabled,  as  his  soul's  vision  was  clarified 
by  the  Highest,  to  catch  glimpses  of  the  divine  plan, 
and  the  eternal  principles  according  to  which  it  was 
gradually  unfolding.  He  saw  only  the  first  dawning 
rays,  instead  of  the  sun  at  its  zenith ;  and  consequently 
he  expected  in  his  own  generation  that  which  was  not 
realized  until  centuries  later.  The  details  also  were 
often  indistinct  and  determined  by  the  immediate  point 
of  view  of  the  prophet;  but  no  one  can  study  his 
Messianic  prophecies  and  fail  to  perceive  a  funda- 
mental rather  than  a  superficial  connection  between 
them  and  the  consummation  Avhich  was  inaugurated  by 
Jesus. 

157.  As  he  turned  from  the  cowardly  Ahaz,  whose 
vacillating  policy  was  plunging  his  nation  into  a  sea  of 
trouble,  his  prophetic  eyes  beheld,  instead  of  the 
devastation  wi'ought  in  the  north  by  the  armies  of 
Tiglath-Pileser,  an  era  of  freedom  and  peace,  to  be  in- 
stituted by  a  prince  yet  to  be  born  (ix.  1-7).  His 
character  was  to  be  revealed  by  the  names  which  he 
would  bear:  Wonderful  Counsellor,  with  marvellous 
wisdom  directing   the  policy  of   his  nation;    Mighty 


154  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

God,  gifted  with  divine  might  and  power;  Eternal 
Father,  unceasingly  caring  for  his  people  with  paternal 
solicitude ;  Prince  of  Peace,  destined  to  introduce  per- 
fect harmony  among  mankind.  Seated  upon  tlie  throne 
of  David,  he  was  to  establish  upon  the  principles  of 
perfect  righteousness  an  eternal  kingdom.  "  The  zeal 
of  the  Lord  of  hosts  shall  perform  this."  Again,  when 
the  armies  of  Sennacherib  had  carried  destruction  to 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  Isaiah  called  attention  to  this 
central  and  personal  figure  in  his  picture  of  the  future. 
"When  Jehovah  has  cut  down  the  proud  Assyrians, 
like  the  cedars  of  Lebanon,  there  shall  come  forth  a 
shoot  out  of  the  stock  of  Jesse.  The  spirit  of  the 
Lord  shall  rest  upon  him,  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and 
understanding,  the  spirit  of  counsel  and  might,  the 
spirit  of  knowledge  and  of  the  fear  of  the  Lord." 
Righteousness  shall  characterize  his  rule ;  the  op- 
pressed shall  he  champion;  perfect  peace  shall  pre- 
vail, extending  even  to  the  animal  world,  and  all  the 
earth  shall  know  the  Lord  (xi.  1-9). 

158.  In  other  prophecies  Isaiah  presents  in  varying 
imagery  still  other  characteristics  of  the  Messianic  era. 
The  social  abuses,  against  which  he  had  so  often  re- 
monstrated, were  to  cease ;  men  shall  be  quick  to  per- 
ceive the  truth ;  every  act  shall  receive  its  just  reward ; 
rulers  and  people  alike  shall  be  governed  by  the  laws 
of  justice  and  mercy  (xxxii.).  Jerusalem  shall  be 
exalted  above  all  the  cities  of  the  earth,  and  thither 
shall  the  nations  resort  to  learn  the  law  of  Jehovah, 
the  judge  of  the  universe.  Isaiah  appears  to  have 
anticipated  that  the  Messianic  kingdom  would  be  an 
earthly  one  with  its  centre  at  Jerusalem.  With  Micah 
(v.  3-6),  he  seems  to  have  expected  that  the  Messianic 


FULFILMENT  OF  ISAIAH'S  PREDICTIONS         155 

King  would  appear  to  inaugurate  it  during  the  Assyr- 
ian period,  and  that  his  first  act  would  be  to  overthrow 
the  hated  conqueror. 

159.    Isaiah,    however,    emphasized    the    moral   and 
spiritual  side  of  the  kingdom  far  more  than  the  tem- 
poral.    In  the  prophecy  concerning  Egypt  (xix.),  which 
is  generally  attributed  to  him,  he  declared  that  in  the 
coming  day  Egypt  and  Assyria,  which  stood  for  hostile 
heathendom,  would  be  recognized,  on  an  equality  with 
Israel,  as  the  people  of  Jehovah.    No  better  illustration 
could  be  cited  to  show  the  breadth  of  his  vision.     To 
him  Jehovah  was  in  a  peculiar  sense  the  Holy  One  of 
Israel,  but  he  was  also  the  Holy  One  of  the  universe, 
whose  just  and  beneficent  purposes  were  being  realized 
in  the  rise  and  fall  of  nations.     Through  his  eyes  one 
is  enabled  to  follow  the  unfolding  of  that  divine  plan 
in  the  varying  fortunes    which   had    come   and  were 
then  coming  to  his  chosen  people  ;  and  also  to  trace  its 
outlines,  as  they  were  projected  on  the  canvas  of  the 
future.      Subsequent   development    was    destined    to 
more  than  fulfil  his  sublimest   predictions,   and  in  a 
manner  far  transcending  his  highest  expectations  ;  but 
posterity  has    rightly  recognized,    in    the    Messianic 
prophecies  of  Isaiah  and  of  the  prophets  who  followed 
him,  links  binding  together  the  past,  the  present,  and 
the   future,    and   demonstrating   that    God's   dealings 
with  man   are   ever   prompted   by  the   same    loving 
purpose. 

160.  The  Hebrew  prophets  recognized  that  the  ful- 
filment of  their  predictions  rested  upon  certain  condi- 
tions, implied  if  not  expressed  (compare,  for  a  detailed 
statement  of  this  important  law,  Jer.  xviii.  3-12). 
Hence  their  constant  endeavor  was  to  influence  their 


156  A  HISTOEY   OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

nation  to  fulfil  the  conditions  upon  which  the  promises 
of  God  were  given.  Hitherto  citizenship  in  Judah 
had  been  regarded  as  conclusive  evidence  that  a  man 
was  a  follower  of  Jehovah,  and,  consequently,  the 
prophets  had  spoken  to  the  nation  as  a  whole;  but  a 
truer  conception  of  God's  character  and  demands  drew 
sharp  distinctions  between  classes  in  the  Hebrev\^  state 
itself.  Those  who  accepted  and  applied  the  teachings 
of  the  true  prophets  graduallj^  grew  into  a  party  hav- 
ing little  in  common  with  the  majority,  who  refused  to 
give  heed  to  the  new  revelation.  This  little  group  of 
disciples  corresponded,  in  the  ancient  Hebrew  common- 
wealth, to  the  modern  church.  It  was  an  inevitable 
outgrowth  of  conditions  then  existing,  but  it  neverthe- 
less marked  a  new  epoch  in  the  liistory  of  religion. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  the  true  prophets  of  the 
north  gained  an  organized  following,  and  if  they  did, 
it  was  dissipated  at  the  fall  of  Samaria.  Isaiah,  how- 
ever, makes  reference  to  his  disciples  early  in  his 
ministry  (viii.  16).  To  them  he  turned,  when  he  be- 
gan to  despair  of  the  regeneration  of  the  entire  nation. 
In  liim  the  prophetic  party  found  an  able  leader,  and 
upon  them  he  impressed  his  teachings.  Micah  of 
Moresheth,  a  younger  contemporary  of  Isaiah,  did  not 
share  the  latter's  belief  in  the  inviolability  of  Zion 
(Micah  iii.  12),  but  otherwise  he  echoes  in  nearly  every 
verse  of  liis  prophecy  the  principles  proclaimed  by  his 
distinguished  teacher.  The  preservation  of  so  many  of 
the  sermons  of  Isaiah  is  also  doubtless  due  to  the 
watchful  care  of  his  disciples. 

161.  In  this  band  of  faithful  hearers  and  doers  the 
prophet  recognized  the  permanent  element  in  the  state, 
the  true  Israel,  the  good  grain,  which,  according  to 


HEZEKIAH'S  REFORMATION  157 

Amos,  was  alone  to  survive  the  sifting  among  the  na- 
tions (ix.  9,  10).  They  also  were  the  only  ones 
who  fulfilled  the  conditions  upon  which  Jehovah's 
promises  for  the  future  rested ;  hence  Isaiah  was  led 
first  to  give  definite  expression  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
'^faithful  remnant,"  which  became  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant teachings  of  later  prophets. 

162.  Under  Isaiah's  leadership  the  prophetic  party 
was  able  to  exercise  a  potent  influence  in  Judah.  The 
religious  reformation  under  Hezekiah  was  one  of  its 
fruits.  Jeremiah  xxvi.  18,  19  associates  it  definitely 
with  the  preaching  of  Isaiah's  disciple,  Micah.  Un- 
fortunately the  references  to  it  are  exceedingly  general. 
II.  Kings  xviii.  4  states  that  "  Hezekiah  removed  the 
high  places,  and  brake  the  pillars,  and  cut  down  the 
Asherah;  and  he  brake  in  pieces  the  brazen  serpent 
that  Moses  had  made."  Shortly  before  701  b.  c. 
Isaiah  spoke  of  the  destruction  of  the  idols  as  a  hope  of 
the  future  (xxx.  22 ;  xxxi.  7),  so  that  the  most  prob- 
able date  for  these  acts  is  found  in  the  years  immedi- 
ately following  the  great  victory  of  the  prophetic  party, 
in  connection  with  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem ;  but 
it  may  be  questioned  whether  such  a  thorough  reform 
as  is  suggested  by  the  passage  in  Kings  was  instituted 
before  the  time  of  Josiah,  for  in  his  day  he  found  the 
high  places  reared  by  Solomon  near  Jerusalem  still 
undisturbed  (II.  Kings  xxiii.  13).  The  first  step  would 
be  to  destroy  the  idols  of  silver  and  gold  and  the 
Asherim,  which  were  so  common  in  the  land,  and 
which  had  called  forth  the  denunciations  of  Isaiah  and 
Micah.  King  and  people  could  not  be  expected  to  ex- 
cel in  zeal  those  who  instigated  the  reform,  and  there 
is  no  evidence  that  these  prophets  had  yet  raised  their 


158  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

voices  against  the  high  places.  Their  desecration  by 
the  armies  of  Sennacherib  undoubtedly  diminished 
their  prestige  in  contrast  with  the  royal  sMne  at 
Jerusalem,  which  had  survived  the  crisis  untouched, 
and  perhaps  at  this  time  gave  the  first  impetus  to  that 
movement  which  led  later  prophets  to  place  them  under 
a  ban  (Deut.  xii.),  and  ultimately  culminated  in  their 
abolition  by  Josiah. 

163.  The  reformation  of  Hezekiah  is  not,  however, 
the  most  lasting  fruit  of  Isaiah's  labors.  He  himself 
hoped  for  a  national  repentance  so  deep  that  the 
people  would  of  their  own  will  cast  aside  their  idols. 
Not  by  royal  decree,  but  by  word  and  life,  he  sought  to 
reform  his  nation.  In  his  own  character  he  furnished 
for  all  time  an  example  of  the  highest  type  of  patriot- 
ism, which  shrunk  from  no  sacrifice,  nor  paled  in  the 
face  of  the  greatest  danger,  because  it  was  inspired  by  an 
intelligent  and  so  an  unfailing  faith  in  a  God  of  infinite 
majesty  and  perfect  holiness.  Although  liis  field  of 
activity  was  little  Judah,  he  stands  among  the  greatest 
statesmen  and  reformers  of  the  world.  He  alone  saved 
his  nation  in  the  time  of  its  greatest  danger.  Few,  if 
any,  writers  have  surpassed  him  in  grandeur,  force,  and 
vividness  of  literary  style.  So  forcibly  did  he  impress 
his  teachings  by  word  and  by  life  upon  the  little  group 
of  disciples  who  gathered  about  him,  that  they  ulti- 
mately transformed  the  religion  of  their  nation ;  and 
since  Judaism  prepared  the  way  for  Christ,  Christian- 
ity will  forever  bear  the  stamp  of  Isaiah's  mighty 
personality. 


VII 

THE  EEACTIONARY  EEIGN   OF  MANASSEH 

164.   While  Hezekiah  lived,  he  succeeded  in  up- 
holding the  cause  of  the  prophetical  party,  to  whom 
he  owed  the  preservation  of  his  kingdom ;  but  when 
the  reins  of  power  were  handed  over  to  his  youthful 
son,  Manasseh,  a  great  religious  reaction  swept  over 
Judah.     In   their   zeal,   the  reform  party,  instead  of 
patiently  waiting  until  they  could  reach  the  heart  of 
the  nation,  had  begun  by  destroying  the  popular  objects 
of  worship,  about  which  the  traditions  and  veneration 
of  generations  had  centred.     Among  all  peoples  that 
which  is  hallowed  by  sacred  associations  and  endorsed 
by  the  past  enjoys  a  peculiar  sanctity ;  but  to  a  remark- 
able  degree  was  this  the  case  among  the  primitive 
Semitic  races.     In  the  place  of  these  accepted  ideas 
and  sacred  relics,  the  new  prophetic  school  presented  a 
God  whom  the  masses  understood  only  imperfectly, 
and  whose   demands   were   exceedingly   difficult    for 
them  to  fulfil.     Isaiah   and  the    author  of  Micah  v. 
had  both  given  them  reason  to  believe  that  the  Mes- 
sianic era,  which  they  had  pictured  in  such  glowing 
colors,   would  be  inaugurated  immediately  after  the 
deliverance  of  Jerusalem  in  701  b.  c.  ;  and  that  with 
it  would  come  the  overthrow  of  the  power  of  Assyria; 

159 


160  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

but  the  monuments  show  that  Judah  continued  to  pay 
tribute  to  Assyria  for  the  next  half-century,  at  least, 
and  that,  instead  of  declining,  the  mighty  empire  ! 
attained  its  greatest  glory  during  this  period.  Egypt, 
toward  which  it  had  long  been  looking  with  envious 
eyes,  was  repeatedly  invaded  and  finally  made  a  sub- 
ject province.  Both  the  east  and  the  west  lay  pros- 
trate before  the  conqueror. 

165.  The  peoiDle,  who  recognized  no  other  index  of 
Jehovah's  x:)leasure  or  displeasure  than  prosperity  or 
adversity,  considered  that  they  had  not  only  been 
deluded  by  the  prophetic  party,  but  also  led  on  to 
commit  acts  of  impiety  which  were  calling  down  the 
wrath  of  their  God.  Innocent  blood  was  shed  in  Jeru- 
salem until  it  Avas  filled  from  one  end  to  the  other  (II. 
Kings  xxi.  16).  The  sword  of  the  reactionists  "de- 
voured the  prophets  like  a  destroying  lion  "  (Jer.  ii. 
30).  To  preach  the  God  of  Isaiah  became  a  crime. 
"  Back  to  the  old ! "  was  tlie  popular  cry  to  which 
Manasseh  and  the  princes  who  gathered  about  him 
listened.  The  idols  torn  down  by  Hezekiah  were  care- 
fully restored,  and  the  Asherim  again  set  up;  the 
augurs,  the  enchanters,  those  who  had  familiar  spirits, 
and  the  wizards  exercised  their  old  influence  (II.  Kings 
xxi.  6).  Sodomites  were  tolerated  in  connection  with 
the  service  of  the  Temple  (II.  Kings  xxiii.  7).  In  the 
valley  of  Hinnom,  to  the  south  of  Jerusalem,  the  first 
born  were  sacrificed  to  Moloch  (II.  Kings  xxi.  6  ;  xxiii. 
10).  Micah  vi.  6,  7,  reflects  the  intensity  of  feeling 
which  prompted  such  acts.  Graphically  he  puts  in  the 
mouth  of  the  people  the  cry,  "  Wherewith  shall  I  come 
before  the  Lord,  and  bow  myself  before  the  high  God  ? 
Shall  I  come  before  him  with  burnt  offerings,  with 


CAUSES  OF  THE  RELIGIOUS  REACTION         161 

calves  of  a  year  old  ?  Will  the  Lord  be  pleased  with 
thousands  of  rams,  or  with  ten  thousands  of  rivers  of 
oil  ?  Shall  I  give  my  first  born  for  my  transgressions, 
the  fruit  of  my  body  for  the  sin  of  my  soul?"  As 
Judah  continued  to  be  ground  down  under  the  yoke 
of  a  foreign  conqueror,  faith  in  the  old  forms  was 
shaken ;  the  masses  had  not  yet  accepted  the  great 
prophetic  truth  that  Jehovah  required  liis  follower 
simply  "  to  do  justly,  and  to  love  mercy,  and  to  walk 
humbly  with  thy  God"  (Micah  vi.  8);  hence  they 
feverishly  endeavored  to  secure  the  favor  of  the  half- 
heathenish  deity  which  they  worshipped,  by  the  value 
and  multiplicity  of  their  sacrifices. 

166.  So  deep-seated  was  the  popular  distrust  of 
Jehovah  that  the  worship  of  other  gods  was  intro- 
duced within  his  Temple.  Naturally  those  of  Assyria 
received  the  first  place.  Abeady  Ahaz  had  curried 
favor  with  his  master  by  imitating  Assyrian  fasliions 
in  the  furnisliing  of  the  Temple  (sect.  134).  To  those 
who  refused  to  see  with  the  prophets  Jehovah's  hand 
in  the  conquests  of  Assyria,  as  well  as  in  the  deliver- 
ance of  Judah,  the  humiliation  of  his  chosen  people 
before  the  world-conqueror  was  conclusive  evidence 
that  his  gods  v/ere  superior  to  Jehovah.  Hence 
Manasseh  strengthened  his  position  with  the  majority 
of  his  subjects,  as  well  as  with  his  Assyrian  masters, 
when  "  he  built  altars  for  all  the  host  of  heaven  in  the 
two  courts  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,"  and  placed 
the  chariots  of  the  sun  within  the  sacred  precincts 
(II.  Kings  xxi.  3,  4 ;  xxiii.  11,  12).  No  stronger  proof 
could  be  adduced  to  show  the  inherent  weakness  of  the 
commonly  prevailing  conceptions  of  Jehovah  than  the 
readiness   with  which   foreign    cults    were   not   only 

11 


162  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

tolerated  but  even  welcomed.  The  popular  worship  of 
Judah  at  this  time  must  have  been  a  strange  com- 
bination of  cults,  native  and  foreign.  The  frantic 
effort  which  it  made  to  maintain  itself  against  the 
attacks  of  the  true  prophets  and  the  influence  of  the 
new  ideas  and  conditions  which  confronted  it,  is  only 
paralleled  by  the  bitter  opposition  offered  by  that  re- 
marlvctble  mixture  of  customs  and  religions  which  were 
found  in  Rome  when  the  light  of  Christianity  first 
burst  upon  heathendom. 

167.  Until  the  power  of  Assyria  began  to  wane,  the 
anti-prophetic  party  remained  in  control  of  Judah. 
The  history  of  this  half-century  is  almost  a  blank, 
because  the  voices  of  the  prophets  were  silenced. 
There  is  evidence,  however,  that  they  were  not  inac- 
tive. The  spirit  and  teachings  of  Isaiah  still  lived 
among  his  disciples.  The  God  who  had  led  his  people 
thus  far  had  not  forsaken  them.  As  is  always  the 
case,  persecution  onty  forced  the  true  prophets  to  seek 
other  and  better  channels  through  which  to  impart  the 
truths  committed  to  them.  Silenced,  they  took  up  the 
pen  and  endeavored  to  put  their  teachings  in  a  form 
which  would  be  permanent,  and  at  the  same  time 
inteiligil)le  to  all.  They  recognized  that  not  merely 
abstract  principles,  but  concrete  forms  were  necessary 
to  reach  the  masses  and  take  the  place  of  the  debasing 
ceremonials  which  were  valued  so  highly  by  the  people. 
Therefore,  avoiding  the  mistakes  of  Hezekiah's  refor- 
mation, they  adopted,  as  far  as  possible,  pre-existent 
usages  and  traditions,  and,  eliminating  the  heathen 
elements,  assigned  to  them  a  deeper  and  more  spiritual 
meaning.  The  step  from  the  old  to  the  new  was  thus 
made  easy  instead  of  abrupt. 


AIM  AND  CONTENT  OF  DEUTERONOMY         163 

168.  The  body  of  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy  (v- 
xxvi.,  xxviii.)  is  the  most  important  fruit  of  this  new 
reform  movement.  Many  older  laws  were  incorpor- 
ated in  it,  but  a  majority  of  the  questions  with  which 
it  deals  are  those  which  first  became  insistent  during 
this  period.  The  reaction  under  Manasseh  had  demon- 
strated that  the  high  places,  the  local  sanctuaries 
scattered  tliroughout  Judah,  which  up  to  the  time  of 
Hezekiah  had  been  accepted  without  protest  from 
priest  or  prophet,  were  conservers  of  the  practices  and 
forms  inherited  from  the  darker  past.  Their  ritual 
was  a  snare  rather  than  a  help  toward  the  purer  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah.  Consequently  the  most  prominent 
enactment  of  the  new  law  book  was  to  centralize  all 
the  ceremonial  worship  of  Jehovah  in  Jerusalem.  The 
other  evils  which  characterized  Manasseh's  reign,  such 
as  the  worship  of  idols  or  foreign  gods  and  the  con- 
sulting of  diviners  or  necromancers,  were  expressly 
forbidden.  While  it  is  primarily  a  law  book,  it  is 
permeated  throughout  with  a  broad  prophetic  spirit. 
Service  is  ever  placed  above  sacrifice ;  to  "  love  and 
serve  Jehovah  thy  God  with  all  thy  heart  and  all  thy 
soul"  (x.  12)  is  its  supreme  demand.  The  love  of 
God  toward  his  people  and  the  love  which  he  asks 
from  them  toward  liim  and  his  creatures  are  its 
exalted  theme.  The  detailed  laws  are  presented  as  a 
means  whereby  this  love  is  to  find  expression.  The 
writer  of  Deuteronomy  was,  therefore,  like  Moses,  a 
prophet,  imbued  with  the  great  prophetic  ideas  which 
were  the  priceless  heritage  of  his  race.  Since  many  of 
the  laws  and  narratives  which  are  the  nucleus  of  his 
work  were  originally  Mosaic  in  spirit,  if  not  in  form, 
their  later  editor  was  entirely  justified  in  associating 


164  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

them,  as  lie  does  (always  in  the  third  person),  with  the 
name  of  Moses.  He  Avas  only  following  the  custom, 
characteristic  of  the  compilers  of  the  historical  books 
(compare,  for  example,  I.  Sam.  viii.)  when  he  refor- 
mulated the  old  laws,  and  put  into  the  mouth  of  the 
father  of  the  Hebrew  nation  the  words  which  he 
would  have  uttered  had  he  lived  in  the  light  of  the 
new  conditions  and  fuller  revelation. 

169.  The  circumstances  of  the  reign  of  Manasseh 
and  of  his  son  Amon,  who  pursued  the  policy  of  his 
father,  w^ere  unfavorable  for  the  promulgation  of  this 
new  code  ;  and  hence  it  was  laid  aside  in  the  Temple 
until  it  was  discovered  —  actually  or  perhaps  ostensibly 
in  accordance  with  a  plan  known  to  the  few  most  inter- 
ested in  it  —  and  made  the  programme  of  the  great  ref- 
ormation of  Josiah  (II.  Kings  xxiii.).  The  Asspian 
period  of  Judean  history  opened  with  a  religious 
reform  and  closed  vv^ith  a  reaction  which  apparently 
reinstated  all  the  old  heathenism ;  it  was  filled  with 
grave  political  errors  which  brought  disaster  and 
bloodshed  upon  the  nation ;  it  was  also  characterized 
by  awful  social  and  moral  crimes ;  but  through  all  the 
gloom,  God's  eternal  truth  was  shining  more  and  more 
into  the  hearts  of  his  faithful  ones,  and  through  them 
was  finding  fuller  and  clearer  expression.  The  pro- 
phetic seed,  sown  amidst  opposition  and  persecution, 
was  about  to  take  root  in  the  life  of  the  nation. 


PART  IV 

THE  BABYLONIAN   PERIOD  OF  JUDAH'S 
HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL  SOTJECES 

170.  Certain  verses  (xxiii.  29-xxiv.  1)  in  chap- 
ters xxii.-xxv.  of  II.  Kings,  which  treat  of  the  period, 
were  probably  based  upon  material  gathered  from  the 
state  annals;  but  with  the  exception  of  a  few  later 
additions,  the  section  as  a  whole  is  from  the  Deutero- 
nomic  editor,  whose  personal  knowledge  of  the  events 
furnished  him  the  necessary  data. 

171.  The  Book  of  Deuteronomy,  which,  as  we  have 
seen  (sect.  168),  comes  from  the  latter  part  of  the 
preceding  or  from  the  beginning  of  the  Babylonian 
period,  is  also  a  most  valuable  historical  source,  since 
it  presents  the  laws  and  motives  which  became  the 
keynotes  of  the  new  reformation. 

172.  The  stirring  events  of  the  age  called  forth  an 
unusually  large  and  active  body  of  prophets,  many 
of  whose  writings  have  been  preserved.  The  first  to 
raise  his  voice  in  denunciation  of  the  sins  inherited 
from  Manasseh's  reign  was  Zephaniah.  The  imme- 
diate occasion  of  his  prophecy  was  the  advance  of  the 
dreaded  Scythians,  who  about  627  B.  c.  swept  down 
the  eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  spreading  ter- 
ror throughout  Palestine.  From  the  land  of  captivity 
there  also  came  about  this  time  the  brief  prophecy  of 

167 


168  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

Nalium.  Primarily  it  was  intended  as  a  message  of 
encouragement  to  the  Judeans ;  but  its  theme  is  the 
coming  fall  of  the  cruel,  rapacious  world-conqueror, 
Assyria,  whose  yoke  had  rested  upon  the  necks  of  the 
Semitic  peoples  for  more  than  two  centuries.  It  Avas 
probably  evoked  by  the  first  attack  upon  Nineveh,  in 
625  B.  c,  by  the  Modes  under  King  Pln^aotes.  To  the 
same  group  belongs  the  powerful  prophecy  of  Habak- 
kuk.  Josiah's  brilliant  reign  has  been  succeeded  by 
the  reactionary  rule  of  Jehoiakim.  The  Assyrians 
have  completely  disappeared,  and  in  their  place  the 
Chaldeans  are  advancing.  The  date  of  the  prophecy, 
therefore,  must  be  sought  shortly  before  the  great 
battle  of  Carchemish  in  604  b.  c. 

173.  The  chief  historical  source  for  the  entire  period 
is  the  combination  of  prophecy,  history,  and  biography 
found  in  the  Book  of  Jeremiah.  The  first  collection 
of  his  discourses  was  made  in  the  fourth  year  of 
Jehoiakim  (xxxvi.),  but  was  soon  destroyed.  The 
second  edition,  which  was  made  in  the  following  year 
and  included  his  earlier  sermons,  is  probably  the  basis 
of  our  present  text.  Jeremiah's  ministry,  however, 
began  twenty-tlu^ee  years  earlier,  in  627  B.  c,  before 
the  reformation  of  Josiah  had  been  instituted,  and 
lasted  until  after  the  final  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in 
586  B.  c.  His  sermons  in  their  j^resent  order  are  not 
arranged  chronologically.  Fortunately  the  superscrip- 
tions, as  well  as  the  contents,  aid  in  determining  the 
dates  at  which  they  were  delivered.  His  call,  re- 
corded in  chapter  i.,  belongs  to  the  year  627  b.  c.  The 
sermons  in  ii.-vi.  refer  frequently  to  "the  foe  from 
the  north,"  which  was  probably  the  Scythian  hordes 
alluded  to  by  Zephaniah,  although  when  he  collected 


DATE  OF  JEREMIAH'S  PROPHECIES  169 

his  prophecies  hiter  he  had  the  Chaldeans  in  mind. 
They  were,  therefore,  originally  delivered  soon  after 
the  prophet's  call  in  627  B.  c,  and  represent  his  noble 
contributions  to  the  reformation,  which  was  carried 
into  effect  in  621  B.C.  Chapter  xi.  1-8  suggests  the 
important  part  which  he  took  in  that  movement.  The 
short  section,  xxii.  10-12,  relates  to  the  brief  reign  of 
Jehoahaz. 

174.  Jeremiah's  activity  at  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  Jehoiakim  is  represented  by  chapters  xxvi., 
vii.-ix.,  X.  17-25,  xi.  9-xii.  6.  To  the  year  604 
B.  c.  may  be  assigned  the  sermons  and  incidents  re- 
corded in  chapters  xxv.,  xxxvi.  1-8,  xlv.  1-xlix. 
33.  Chapter  xxxvi.  9-32  belongs  to  the  follomng 
year,  and  xiv.-xx.  and  xxxv.  to  the  latter  part  of  the 
reign  of  Jehoiakim.  About  the  death  of  that  inefficient 
ruler  and  the  first  siege  of  Jerusalem  in  597  B.  c.  are 
grouped  xii.  7-xiii.  27  and  xxii.  13-30.  Chapters 
xxiv.,  xxvii.-xxix.,  and  xlix.  34-39  come  from  the 
earlier  days  of  Zedekiah's  reign ;  while  1.  and  li.  con- 
tain a  prophecy  which,  according  to  li.  59,  belongs 
to  the  year  593  b.  c,  but  its  point  of  view,  style,  and 
temper  are  so  different  from  those  which  characterize 
Jeremiah's  ordinary  utterances  that  it  is  usually  as- 
signed to  one  of  his  disciples  who  wrote  not  long  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  Babylonian  exile.  The  siege  of 
Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  which  began  in  587 
B.  c,  called  forth  the  series  of  sermons  preserved  in 
xxi.  1-10,  xxiii.,  and  xxxiv.  Chapters  xxxvii.  and 
xxxviii.  are  historical,  and  describe  the  personal  ex- 
periences of  the  prophet  during  the  siege.  The  glori- 
ous prophecies  contained  in  xxx -xxxiii.  are  from  the 
same  dark  period ;  the  last  two  are  definitely  assigned 


170  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

to  the  clays  of  his  confinement  during  the  second  stage 
of  the  siege.  Chapters  xxxix.-xliv.  and  lii.  record 
the  final  capture  of  Jerusalem  and  the  subsequent 
fortunes  of  Jeremiah  and  the  few  who  were  allowed 
by  the  conqueror  to  remain  in  Judah.  Respecting 
the  second  edition  of  Jeremiah's  earlier  sermons,  it  is 
explicitly  stated  that  "  there  were  added  besides  unto 
them  many  like  words"  (xxxvi.  32).  The  example 
set  by  the  prophet  himself  was  followed  by  later  edi- 
tors of  his  writings,  who  recast  certain  sections  and 
inserted  others.  The  historical  chapters,  also,  are 
either  from  Baruch,  his  faitliful  scribe,  or  from  some 
one  of  his  disciples. 

175.  Among  the  prominent  Jewish  exiles  who  were 
transported  in  597  b.  c.  to  the  banks  of  the  river 
Chebar  in  Babylonia,  was  a  priest  by  the  name  of 
Ezekiel.  In  July  of  592  b.  c,  the  fifth  year  of  his 
captivity,  he  was  called  by  a  vision  to  the  prophetic 
office.  The  chief  end  of  his  life-work  was  to  conserve 
within  the  little  body  of  exiles  that  which  was  best  in 
the  religious  heritage  from  his  nation's  past;  but  while 
Jerusalem  still  stood,  conditions  there  frequently  com- 
manded his  attention.  Consequently  the  first  twenty- 
four  chapters  of  his  prophecy  contain  much  valuable 
historical  data  relating  to  Judah.  With  characteristic 
exactness  he  has  dated  all  of  his  prophecies.  Chap- 
ters i.-vii.  come  from  the  year  592,  viii.-xix.  from 
591,  xx.-xxiii.  from  590,  and  xxiv.  from  588  B.C. 
The  foreign  prophecies  (xxv.-xxxii.),  like  Obadiah's 
brief  oracle  against  Edom,  suggest  the  attitude  of  the 
surrounding  nations  at  the  time  of  Jerusalem's  final 
fall.  While  Ezekiel's  writino-s  lack  the  intimate  famil- 
iarity  with  the  details  of  Judah's  later  history  which 


EXTRA-BIBLICAL  SOURCES  171 

characterizes  those  of  Jeremiah,  they  contain  the  con- 
clusions of  a  man  gifted  with  clearest  insiglit  into 
conditions  and  forces  witliin  and  without  the  parent 
state. 

176.  It  is  fortunate  that  the  biblical  records  for  the 
period  are  so  full  and  varied,  for  the  outside  sources 
throw  little  light  upon  the  history  of  Judah.  The  in- 
scriptions of  Nebuchadrezzar,  thus  far  discovered,  re- 
late almost  entirely  to  his  building  enterprises  and 
devotion  to  the  gocls.  Nothing  respecting  his  inva- 
sion and  capture  of  Jerusalem  has  been  found.  With 
the  aid  of  Herodotus  and  Babylonian  records  it  is  pos- 
sible, however,  to  trace  the  outlines  of  the  history  of 
the  great  eastern  nations  which  determined  the  fate  of 
the  little  Palestinian  kingdom. 


II 

THE   GREAT  EEFOEMATION  UNDER   JOSIAH 

177.  Amon,  the  son  of  Manasseh,  was  slain  by 
his  nobles  after  a  reign  of  only  two  years.  The 
people  thereupon  arose  and  put  the  conspirators  to 
death.  Unfortunately  the  author  of  Kings  leaves  us 
to  conjecture  the  motives  which  prompted  these  acts. 
He  only  states  that  Amon  "  walked  in  all  the  way  his 
father  walked  in,  and  served  the  idols  that  his  father 
served "  (II.  Kings  xxi.  21).  His  policy  was  calcu- 
lated to  win  the  favor  of  the  masses,  who  clung  tena- 
ciously to  their  old  idols ;  hence  their  zeal  in  avenging 
his  death  is  explained.  Whether  or  not  the  conspiracy 
of  the  nobles  represented  a  premature  attempt  to 
institute  a  more  progressive  religious  policy,  must 
remain  an  open  question,  although  subsequent  devel- 
opments strengthen  the  inference  that  it  was.  If  so, 
it  indicates  that  already,  when  Josiah,  the  little  eight- 
year-old  son  of  Amon,  came  to  the  throne  of  Judah 
in  639  B.  c,  the  spirit  of  reform  was  in  the  air. 
Conditions  were  also  favorable.  Already  omens  of 
Assyria's  coming  downfall  were  beginning  to  appear. 
The  predictions  of  Isaiah  were  at  last  about  to  be  ful- 
filled. Assyrian  armies  no  longer  menaced  the  peace 
of  Palestine.     The  gods  of  the  conqueror  were  seen, 

172 


FORERUNNERS  OF  THE  REFORMATION     173 

after  all,  to  be  not  invincible.  The  work  of  the 
reformers  also  began  to  be  felt.  The  ardor  with 
which  the  descendant  of  such  immediate  ancestors  as 
Anion  and  Manasseh  later  championed  the  cause  of 
Jehovah  is  explained  only  on  the  supposition  that 
Josiah  at  an  early  age  came  under  the  instruction  of 
these  earnest  co-workers. 

178.  Of  necessity,  they  developed  their  plans  at 
first  in  secret,  awaiting  a  favorable  occasion  to  raise 
openly  the  standard  of  reform.  This  came  about  the 
twelfth  year  of  Josiah's  reign,  when  the  startling 
news  spread  throughout  Palestine  that  a  detachment 
of  the  Scythians  was  moving  southward  along  the 
coast  of  the  Mediterranean.  A  more  dreaded  foe 
could  not  be  imagined.  From  their  home  north  of 
the  Black  Sea,  they  streamed  through  the  passes  of 
the  Caucasus  in  countless  hordes,  ruthlessly  destroy- 
ing cities,  fields,  men,  women,  and  children.  They 
knew  neither  fear  nor  mercy.  Already  strong  nations 
had  fallen  before  them,  and  even  the  Assyrian  empire 
was  shaken  to  its  foundations ;  therefore  the  Judeans 
had  good  reason  to  tremble  at  the  approach  of  the 
mysterious  foe.  From  Herodotus  we  learn  that  they 
advanced  to  the  borders  of  Egypt,  where  they  were 
bribed  by  the  reigning  Pharaoh  to  turn  back.  The 
coast  towns  of  Palestine  bore  the  brunt  of  their  attack. 
Although  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  invaded 
Judah,  their  presence  shook  its  inhabitants  from  their 
indifference. 

179.  Zephaniah  seized  the  opportunity  to  attack  the 
sins  of  his  nation.  Religious  conditions  were  prac- 
tically the  same  as  under  IManasseh,  except  that  the 
bitterness  which  characterized  the  first  stages  of  the 


174  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

reaction  had  disappeared,  and  the  prophets  of  Jehovah 
could  speak  freely,  without  fear  of  persecution. 
Within  the  capital  the  black-robed  priests  of  Baal 
were  still  supported  by  eager  devotees.  On  the 
house-tops  many  continued  to  worship  the  sun,  moon, 
and  stars.  Some  dragged  Jehovah  down  to  a  level 
with  the  heathen  deities  by  syncretizing  him  with 
Malcam;  wliile  others  had  completely  abandoned  his 
service  (i.  4-6).  Among  the  nominal  worshippers  of 
Jehovah  there  were  many  who  had  arrived  at  the 
sceptical  conclusion  that  he  lacked  either  the  desire 
or  the  power  to  direct  the  affairs  of  man  (i.  12). 
To  all  the  prophet  declared  that  the  great  oncoming 
host  was  God's  instrument  of  judgment.  Forcibly  he 
portrayed  the  utter  desolation  which  was  about  to 
come  upon  proud  Assyria,  and  upon  the  circle  of 
hostile  nations  which  had  taken  base  advantage  of 
Judah's  weakness  (ii.);  ^^^  declared,  as  Amos  had 
on  another  occasion  (sect.  81),  that  the  destruction 
would  not  stop  there.  "Against  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem,  Jehovah  will  stretch  out  his  hand  and  cut 
off  the  apostates  (i.  4,  5),  and  the  princes  who  are  as 
roaring  lions,  the  judges  who  are  as  evening  wolves, 
the  light  and  treacherous  prophets  and  the  priests  who 
profane  the  sanctuary  and  do  violence  to  the  law'* 
(iii.  3,  4).  The  proclamation  of  judgment,  however, 
was  always  with  the  prophets  only  a  means  to  an  end. 
With  the  same  beauty  and  grandeur  Zephaniah  pro- 
ceeds to  describe  the  other  side  of  the  coming  day  of 
Jehovah.  When  the  nation  has  been  purged  of  its 
dross,  then  Jehovah  will  gather  the  "meek  of  the 
earth,  who  have  wrought  judgment"  (ii.  3),  "the 
remnant   of   Israel,"   and   "they   shall   feed   and    lie 


CALL  AND  CHARACTER   OF  JEREMIAH  176 

down,  and  none  shall  make  them  afraid,"  and  he 
"  will  make  them  a  name  and  a  praise  among  all  the 
peoples  of  the  earth  "  (iii.  13,  20).  To  his  country- 
men this  little  reform  tract  was  a  signal  of  warning 
before  the  coming  storm,  and  at  the  same  time  it 
pointed  the  way  to  a  haven  of  refuge  for  the  faithful. 

180.  At  this  critical  period  (627  b.  c.)  the  voice  of  the 
Lord  calling  him  to  be  a  prophet  was  first  recognized 
by  Jeremiah.  His  book  of  prophecies,  which  in  many 
parts  is  almost  a  personal  memoir,  tells  of  the  conflicts 
which  then  raged  in  the  heart  of  the  timid  youth.  He 
appreciated  in  part  the  magnitude  of  the  task  to  which 
he  was  called  (i.  11-19).  Although  he  loved  his 
nation  passionately,  he  was  destined  to  witness  the 
hideous  death-struggles  which  were  induced  by  its 
excesses.  Rejected  and  persecuted  by  those  whom  he 
sought  to  help,  his  life  was  to  be  one  prolonged 
martyrdom,  doubly  painful  because  he  was  so  keenly 
sensitive.  In  character  and  experience  he  had  much 
in  common  with  Hosea.  Among  all  the  prophets, 
none  uttered  sterner  denunciations  and  none  spoke 
with  greater  tenderness.  In  the  spirituality  and  the 
depth  of  his  religious  emotions  he  had  no  equal.  Jere- 
miah's birthplace  was  the  little  town  of  Anathoth, 
situated  a  short  distance  north  of  Jerusalem.  Thither 
Abiathar,  the  priestly  representative  of  the  house  of 
Eli,  had  been  banished  by  Solomon  (I.  sect.  141) ;  and 
it  is  by  no  means  impossible  that  the  prophet  was  a 
descendant  of  that  renowned  family.  In  his  birth  and 
in  the  holy  influences  cast  about  him  by  his  parents 
during  his  childhood,  he  recognized  an  especial  prep- 
aration for  the  prophetic  office  (i.  5). 

181.  "  Out  of  the  north  evil  shall  break  forth  upon 


176  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  "  (i.  14),  was  a  thought 
prominent  at  the  time  of  his  call  and,  as  with  Zepha- 
niah,  was  the  background  of  his  reformation  sermons. 
He  was  not  obliged  to  look  far  for  the  cause  of  this 
evidence  of  Jehovah's  displeasure.  The  hideous  fruits 
of  Judah's  apostasy  w^ere  apparent  on  every  side ;  it 
was  almost  impossible  to  hnd  a  just  and  true  man  in 
Jerusalem  (v.  1).  The  prophet  felt  that  aw^ful  loneli- 
ness wdiich  oppressed  him  throughout  most  of  his 
ministry.  "  If  thou  vrilt  put  away  thine  abominations 
out  of  my  sight,  then  shalt  thou  not  be  removed " 
(iv.  1),  was  the  central  idea  of  Ms  preaching  during 
these  years. 

182.  Zephaniah  and  Jeremiah  did  not  stand  alone 
in  their  noble  endeavor  to  reform  the  nation.  Nahum's 
brief  prophecy  came  about  this  time,  to  assure  the 
Judeans  that  Jehovah  was  about  to  cast  down  the 
haughty  Asspians.  Common  adversity  led  the  more 
faithful  priests  and  prophets  to  draw  closely  to- 
gether. The  high-priest  Hilkiah,  the  friend  of  Jere- 
miah, was  prominent  in  the  movement ;  and  certain  of 
Josiah's  ministers,  as  well  as  the  king  himself,  were 
most  favorably  disposed  toward  it.  The  first  open 
steps  toward  reform  seem  to  have  been  taken  about 
627  B.  c,  when  Zephaniah  and  Jeremiah  began  to 
preach.  Already  the  Temple  was  being  repaired,  when, 
in  621  B.  c,  the  memorable  discovery  was  made  which 
determined  the  character  of  the  reformation.  The 
custom,  initiated  in  the  days  of  Joash  (sect.  119),  of 
intrusting  the  funds  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple  to 
a  committee,  consisting  of  the  royal  scribe  or  secretary 
and  the  cliief  priest,  was  still  in  vogue.  While  they 
were    discharging   tliis   duty,   Hilkiah,  the  priest,  in- 


REFORM  MEASURES  177 

formed  Shaplian,  the  scribe,  of  the  discovery  of  the 
book  of  the  lavv^  within  the  Temple.  It  was  given  to 
Shaphan,  vv^ho  read  it  and  then  delivered  it  to  the  king. 
When  the  king  had  heard  its  contents,  he  was  deeply 
affected.  Forthwith  he  despatched  a  deputation,  con- 
sisting of  Ililkiah,  the  priest,  Achbor,  Asaiah,  Shaphan 
and  his  son,  Ahikam,  to  inquire  of  the  Lord,  in 
behalf  of  himself  and  the  people,  respecting  the 
significance  of  the  book.  Strangely  enough,  they 
turned,  not  to  Zephaniah  or  Jeremiah,  but  to  Huldah, 
a  prophetess,  the  wife  of  the  keeper  of  the  wardrobe. 
When  its  contents  were  confii^med  by  the  prophetess, 
the  king  gathered  together  all  the  people  of  his  realm 
within  the  Temple  precincts  and  read  the  book  to 
them.  As  a  result,  a  solemn  covenant  was  entered  into 
by  king  and  people  to  observe  its  injunctions. 

183.  Rigorous  measures  were  at  once  instituted  by 
the  Idng  to  carry  those  injunctions  into  effect.  The 
first  step  was  to  cleanse  the  Temple.  The  vessels  and 
paraphernalia  which  were  used  in  the  service  of  Baal 
and  the  host  of  heaven  were  brought  forth  and  burned 
in  the  Kidron  valley ;  the  altars  reared  by  IManasseh 
were  demolished ;  the  chariots  of  the  sun  were  burned, 
and  their  horses  removed  from  the  entrance  of  the 
Temple ;  the  houses  of  those  consecrated  to  the  licen- 
tious worship  of  Baal  and  Ashtarte  were  torn  down ; 
in  the  valley  of  Hinnom,  Tophet,  where  the  people  had 
been  v/ont  to  sacrifice  their  children  to  Molech,  was 
defiled;  the  shrines  erected  by  Solomon  without  the 
city,  for  Ashtoreth,  Chemosh,  and  other  foreign  divini- 
ties, were  broken  in  pieces.  The  king's  zeal  even  led 
him  to  destroy  the  old  Israelitish  sanctuary  of  Bethel. 
Idols   and   teraphim   were  placed   under  a  ban,  and 

12 


178  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

wizards  and  diviners  driven  from  the  land.  The  most 
revolutionary  act,  however,  was  the  destruction  of  the 
high  places,  which  were  found  near  every  city.  The 
kings  of  Judah,  in  recognition  of  the  importance  of 
those  places,  had  heretofore  appointed  regular  priests 
to  care  for  them.  Deprived  of  their  occupation,  these 
were  invited  by  Josiah  to  connect  themselves  with 
the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  which  was  made  by  this 
religious  revolution  the  one  legal  sanctuary  in  the 
kingdom.  As  might  be  expected,  the  majority  of  them 
rejected  the  offer,  and  "did  eat  unleavened  bread 
among  their  brethren"  (II.  Kings  xxiii.  9).  In  con- 
clusion a  memorable  passover  feast  was  celebrated  at 
Jerusalem  in  accordance  with  the  directions  laid  down 
in  the  newly  found  lav/  book. 

184.  Conclusive  evidence  might  be  adduced  from 
other  sources  to  demonstrate  that  this  book  of  the 
covenant  consisted  of  a  portion,  at  least,  of  our  present 
Book  of  Deuteronomy ;  but  it  is  sufficient  to  note  how 
closely  the  reformation  instituted  by  Josiah  conforms 
in  every  detail  to  the  laws  therein  contained.  Hereto- 
fore we  have  found  that  custom  and  usage,  frequently 
radically  different  from  those  which  are  enjoined  by 
the  first  five  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  determined 
the  character  of  the  ceremonial  forms  in  force  at  any 
given  period ;  but  with  the  reformation  of  Josiah  be- 
gins the  rule  of  the  written  law.  At  first  this  un- 
doubtedly represented  a  great  advance,  for  not  only 
were  the  requirements  of  Deuteronomy  far  superior  to 
the  forms  which  they  supplanted,  but  they  also  gave  a 
stability  to  the  worship  of  Jehovah  which  it  had  never 
possessed  before.  Reactions  came,  but  the  T^aitten  law 
survived  to  gain  wider  acceptance   when   conditions 


INFLUENCE   OF  THE  NEW  LAW  BOOK  179 

were  again  favorable.  Ultimately,  however,  the  means 
whereby  this  stability  had  been  secured  impeded  the 
religious  development  of  the  Jewish  race,  as  is  always 
the  case  when  fixed  forms  of  worship  or  statements  of 
faith  are  substituted  for  the  living  spiritual  life  which 
they  were  intended  to  promote.  The  law  was  allowed 
to  overshadow  and  extinguish  prophecy,  from  which  it 
originally  derived  its  spiritual  significance ;  and  when 
it  ceased  to  grow,  it  became  dead  and  meaningless. 

185.  The  Book  of  Deuteronomy  was,  as  we  have 
seen  (sect.  168),  the  result  of  a  noble  effort  to  replace 
the  popular  religion  with  a  new  system  in  accord  with 
the  new  prophetic  revelation.  The  most  practical 
way  of  reacliing  the  masses  seemed  to  be  through  ex- 
plicit laws,  which  would  regulate  social  relations  and 
the  religious  cult.  Deuteronomy,  accordingly,  sought  to 
give  objective  expression  to  the  fundamental  prophetic 
teachings.  The  abolition  of  idols  and  of  the  worship 
of  foreign  deities  was  the  most  impressive  declaration 
that  Jehovah  was  a  spirit,  and  that  he,  as  the  supreme 
ruler  of  the  universe,  demanded  the  entire  homage  of 
his  followers.  The  great  prophetic  watchword,  "  Thou 
art  a  holy  people  unto  the  Lord  thy  God,"  which  finds 
expression  so  frequently  in  Deuteronomy  (vii.  6 ;  xiv. 
2,  21;  xxvi.  1,  9;  xxviii.  9),  was  interpreted  into  the 
details  of  life  and  ritual.  Isaiah's  other  characteristic 
doctrine  of  the  inviolability  of  Zion  also  took  form  in 
the  exaltation  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  to  the 
exclusion  of  all  other  sanctuaries. 

186.  The  full  significance  of  this  sweeping  innova- 
tion can  be  appreciated  only  by  a  comparison  with  the 
practices  which  it  supplanted.  Hitherto  sacrifices 
appear  to  have  been  offered  an^-where  and  by  any  one; 


180  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

in  fact,  every  animal  slain  was  regarded  as  shared  with 
the  deity  (I.  sects.  69,  70).  At  every  town  there  was 
a  high  place  to  which  the  people  went,  not  only  on 
feast  days,  but  whenever  they  wished,  through  the 
priest,  to  have  a  disputed  case  settled,  or  to  ascertain 
the  divine  will  respecting  their  private  matters  (I.  sect. 
163).  Religion  entered  into  all  their  life.  The  enact- 
ments of  Deuteronomy  swept  away  the  high  places, 
placed  a  ban  upon  private  sacrifice,  and  restricted 
all  offerings  to  the  Temple.  A  sharp  distinction  v/as 
thereby  drawn  between  the  laity  and  the  priests, 
between  secular  and  holy  things.  Eeligion  henceforth 
became  something  formal,  above  and  apart,  rather  than 
in  all  which  concerned  the  nation  or  individual.  Con- 
ventionality took  the  place  of  the  old  freedom  and 
joyousness  which  had  so  often  degenerated  into  lax- 
ness.  The  end  desired  by  the  reformers  v/as  attained. 
The  narrowing  of  religion  saved  it  from  the  shallow- 
ness of  heathenism.  The  Jehovah  who  was  wor- 
shipped in  tlie  Temple  with  jealously  guarded  forms 
was  not  in  danger  of  being  degraded  to  a  level  with 
the  surrounding  deities.  That  which  henceforth  con- 
stituted the  Jewish  church  was  divorced  from  the  state, 
and  so  survived  the  downfall  of  the  nation.  Un- 
fortunately the  narrowing  process  did  not  cease  after 
the  crisis  was  past,  so  that  its  later  effects  were  de- 
plorable ;  but,  measured  in  the  light  of  existing 
circumstances,  the  reformation  of  Josiah  marks  the 
beginning  of  that  movement  which  ultimately  resulted 
in  the  complete  elimination  of  the  practical  heathenism 
which  had  long  threatened  the  extinction  of  the  pure 
worship  of  Jehovah. 

187.    The  unparalleled  success  of  the  reformation  of 


FKUITS  OF  JOSIAH'S  REFORMATION  181 

Josiah  was  undoubtedly  largely  due  to  the  ability  and 
energy  of  the  king  himself.  Since  David,  no  ruler 
appeared  on  the  throne  of  Judah  who  has  been  so 
uniyersally  commended  by  his  own  and  succeeding 
generations.  His  reformation,  like  every  other  insti- 
tuted by  state  authority,  affected  first  the  externals 
of  religion;  but  the  thirteen  prosperous  years  which 
followed  were  improved  to  impress  its  fundamental 
principles  upon  the  popular  heart.  In  Jeremiah 
xi.  1-8,  we  may  listen  to  the  exhortations  of  the 
prophet  as  he  went  about  the  cities  of  Judah  and  the 
streets  of  Jerusalem  preaching  in  the  language  of 
Deuteronomy,  "  Hear  ye  the  words  of  this  covenant, 
and  do  them."  Prophet,  priest,  and  wise  man  united 
with  voice  and  pen  in  heralding  the  glorious  truths 
which  then  for  the  first  time  received  general  accept- 
ance. The  prophetical  party  carried  all  before  it,  and 
heathenism  was  for  the  time  driven  into  concealment. 
The  Messianic  era  foretold  by  earlier  prophets  seemed 
about  to  become  a  reality.  The  principles  of  justice 
and  mercy  dominated  rulers  and  people  (Jer.  xxii.  15, 
16).     Peace  and  prosperity  bespoke  Jehovah's  favor. 

188.  The  reformation  of  Josiah  furnishes  the  best 
starting-point  from  which  to  study  the  literature  of 
the  Old  Testament.  It  kindled  a  prodigious  literary 
activity,  and  has  left  its  impress  upon  nearly  every 
volume  of  that  unique  library.  The  language,  ideas, 
and  spirit  which  find  expression  in  Deuteronomy  and 
Jeremiah  characterize  all  the  writings  of  the  age, 
making  it  possible  readily  to  distinguish  them.  It 
now  l:)ecomes  easy  to  understand  the  work  of  the  first 
editors  of  the  prophetico-historical  books.  Judges, 
Samuel,  and  Kings,  who  gathered  together  the  ancient 


182  A  HISTORY  or  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

narratives  of  their  race,  calling  attention  to  the  rich 
spiritual  truths  which  they  illustrated,  and  interspers- 
ing them  with  observations  and  judgments  which 
reflect  the  higher  ideals  current  at  tliis  later  period. 
Some  of  the  Psalms  bear  witness  to  the  deeply  devo- 
tional spirit  which  then  filled  the  souls  of  these  earnest 
workers.  The  introduction  to  the  Book  of  Proverbs 
(i.-ix.),  whose  hortatory  religious  tone  stands  in  such 
contrast  with  the  other  sections  of  the  anthology, 
contains  the  characteristic  birth-marks  of  this  unique 
epoch.  The  union  of  the  older  collections  found  in 
chapters  x.-xxix.  of  Proverbs  is  probably  the  work 
of  the  same  hand.  The  priceless  revelation  granted 
to  the  Hebrew  race  had  begun  to  crystallize  into 
written  proverbs,  psalms,  prophecies,  and  laws,  so 
that  when  reactions  and  exile  came,  it  was  preserved 
to  be  the  imperishable  and  inestimable  heritage  of 
humanity. 


Ill 

JTJDAH  AND  THE  NEW  WORLD  POWERS 

189.  Judah's  Indian  summer  ended  most  abruptly. 
The  primary  cause  of  this  time  of  peace  and  prosperity 
had  been  the  decline  of  Assyria.  Two  decades  before 
its  final  disintegration,  Nahum  beheld  in  prophetic 
vision  a  fierce  enemy  marching  against  this  "  den  of 
lions  "  which  was  filled  with  the  prey  of  nations,  and, 
in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  pronounced  a  woe  upon  it. 
He  saw  that  its  "  people  were  women,  and  the  gates  of 
its  land  were  set  wide  open  unto  its  enemies."  Dis- 
organization and  social  corruption  had  sapped  its 
strength;  "its  hurt  was  grievous."  Already  the 
prophet  heard  the  nations  clapping  their  hands  over 
the  downfall  of  their  merciless  oppressor.  The  first 
serious  attack  came  from  the  Medes,  about  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  century.  Hostilities  were  temporarily 
interrupted  by  the  invasion  of  the  Scythians;  but 
when  these  ceased,  the  Medes,  under  Cyaxares,  united 
with  the  Babylonians,  under  Nabopolassar,  for  the  final 
overthrow  of  the  mighty  power  whose  name  for  more 
than  two  centuries  had  been  written  in  blood  on  almost 
every  page  of  Semitic  history ;  and  its  former  vassals, 
the  Babylonians  (or  Chaldeans,  as  they  are  more  com- 
monly called),  succeeded  to  its  rule. 

183 


184  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

190.  Before  Nineveh  fell  in  607  b.  c,  Neclio,  the 
aspiring  Pharaoh  of  Egypt,  set  out  to  secure  a  portion 
of  the  great  empire  which  was  falling  into  decay.  The 
march  of  his  huge  army  lay  across  the  memorable  plain 
of  Esdraelon.  Josiah,  who  had  improved  the  period 
of  quiet  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  Judah  so  that 
they  enclosed  a  large  part  of  the  territory  of  ancient 
Israel,  refused  Necho  a  passage  across  Hebrew  soil. 
Blindly  casting  himself  upon  the  care  of  Jehovah, 
whose  cause  he  had  so  valiantly  championed,  the  re- 
former-king with  his  little  army  attacked  the  Egyptian 
host,  doubtless  confident  that  his  God  would  grant 
him  the  victory.  At  the  old  fortress  of  Megiddo  he 
fell  slain,  and  the  conqueror  passed  on,  assured  of 
Judah's  submission. 

191.  The  death  of  Josiah  is  unquestionably  the 
most  tragic  event  in  Hebrew  history,  for  his  fall  proved 
a  death-blow  to  the  immediate  realization  of  the  ideals 
of  the  party  which  he  represented.  The  reformation 
instituted  under  his  direction  was  still  on  trial.  The 
heathen  party,  who  had  only  been  forced  into  silence, 
hastened  to  point  to  the  signal  calamity  which  befell 
him  as  a  judgment  upon  his  iconoclastic  zeal.  The 
force  of  this  line  of  argument  with  the  people  had 
already  been  frequently  demonstrated.  Since  Necho 
did  not  immediately  follow  up  his  victory  at  Megiddo, 
the  prophetical  party  was  able  to  set  aside  Josiah's 
eldest  son,  whose  disregard  for  their  interest  was 
known,  and  place  his  brother,  Jehoahaz,  on  the  throne. 
The  new  king,  however,  did  not  have  an  opportunity 
to  vindicate  the  confidence  which  was  placed  in  him. 
When  the  Egyptian  conqueror  returned  from  the 
Euphrates,  whither  he  had  extended  his  rule,  he  en- 


THE  RULE  OF  JEHOIAKLM  185 

ticed  Jehoaliaz  to  Riblah,  on  the  river  Orontes,  where 
he  was  holding  court.  For  some  reason  —  perhaps 
because  the  Judean  king  represented  the  party  of 
Josiah,  or  because  his  okler  brother  promised  greater 
tribute  —  Necho  sent  Jehoahaz,  after  a  reign  of  only 
three  months,  in  chains  to  Egypt,  and  made  his  brother 
Eliakim,  who  bore  after  his  accession  the  name  of  Je- 
hoiakim,  king  in  his  stead. 

192.  This  act  placed  the  reactionary,  half-heathenish 
party  in  control  of  the  state,  and  inaugurated  the  series 
of  political  errors  and  religious  crimes  which  resulted, 
in  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  in  the  complete 
destruction  of  Judah.  The  tribute  imposed  by  Necho 
was  comparatively  small,  consisting  of  one  hundi'ed 
talents  of  silver  and  one  of  gold;  but  it  was  exacted 
from  the  people,  v/hile  the  king  devoted  the  wealth 
which  must  have  collected  in  the  public  treasury  dur- 
ing Josiah's  prosperous  reign,  together  with  that  which 
he  unjustly  extorted  from  his  subjects,  to  building  for 
himself  a  broad  and  spacious  palace,  provided  with 
windows,  ceiled  with  cedar,  and  painted  with  ver- 
milion (Jer.  xxii.  13-15).  The  chief  ambition  of 
this  selfish,  vain  son  of  a  noble  father  was  to  imitate 
the  luxurious  courts  on  the  Nile  and  Euplirates. 
Solomon's  policy  of  despotism  was  re-introduced 
into  little  Judah,  and  with  it  came  its  inevitable 
fruits,  oppression  and  injustice  (Jer.  xxii.  17).  Judah's 
"  shepherds  had  become  brutish  and  ceased  to  inquire 
of  the  Lord "  (Jer.  x.  21).  The  rigorous  demands  of 
the  true  prophets  were  treated  with  contempt.  The 
majority  of  the  Judeans  followed  the  example  of  their 
king,  and  ''  turned  back  to  the  iniquities  of  their  fore- 
fathers  and  went  after   other   gods  to  serve   them" 


186  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

(Jer.  xi.  10).  Most  of  the  heathen  practices  of  Ma- 
nasseh's  reign  were  resumed.  ''  Their  children  remem- 
bered their  altars  and  their  Asherim  by  the  green  trees 
upon  the  high  hills  "  (Jer.  xvii.  2).  Altars  to  Baal 
were  set  up  in  all  the  cities  of  Judah  and  in  every 
street  of  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xi.  13).  In  attempting  to 
root  out  the  old  cult  at  one  stroke  and  by  force,  the 
reformers  had  essayed  a  task  which  has  repeatedly 
been  proved  impossible. 

193.  While  the  ignorant  were  turning  back  to  their 
old  idols  and  heathen  gods,  the  more  enlightened  were 
entertaining  a  fatal  delusion.  Shutting  their  eyes  to 
the  dangers  which  tln-eatened  their  nation  from  with- 
out, they  blindly  trusted  to  tlie  service  of  the  Temple 
to  save  them  (Jer.  vii.  4).  Isaiah's  teaching  re- 
specting the  inviolability  of  Zion  had  grown  into  a 
dogma,  and  the  conditions  upon  which  that  teaching 
had  been  based  were  ignored.  Formalism,  instead  of 
morality,  was  regarded  as  the  essential  element  in 
religion.  In  vain  Jeremiah  endeavored  to  recall  them 
to  their  senses:  "Will  you  steal,  murder,  commit 
adultery,  swear  falsely,  burn  incense  unto  Baal,  and 
walk  after  other  gods  whom  you  have  not  known,  and 
then  come  and  stand  before  me  in  this  house  which  is 
called  by  my  name,  and  say.  We  are  delivered ;  that 
you  may  do  all  these  abominations  ?  This  Temple  has 
become  a  den  of  robbers.  It  shall  be  utterly  destroyed, 
as  was  the  ancient  sanctuary  at  Shiloh  (I.  sect.  60). 
You  shall  be  cast  out  as  were  your  brethren  of  the 
north.  On  just  one  condition  can  tliis  nation  be  saved, 
and  that  is  that  it  amend  its  way  "  (vii.  3-15). 

194.  During  this  period  Jeremiah  stood  almost 
alone.     He  complains  that  the  people  put  their  trust 


PEKSECUTION  OF  THE   TRUE  PROPHETS  187 

in  lying  words  that  cannot  profit ;  priest  and  propliet 
deal  falsely ;  in  their  pride  they  declare,  We  are  wise 
and  the  law  of  the  Lord  is  with  us ;  constantly  they 
are  crying,  Peace,  peace,  when  there  is  no  peace  (vii.  8 ; 
viii.  8,  11).  His  own  kinsmen  at  Anathoth  treacher- 
ously attempted  to  put  him  to  death  because  he  would 
not  stop  uttering  his  ominous  predictions  (xi.  18-23). 
So  deep-seated  was  the  popular  faith  in  the  indestruc- 
tibility of  Jerusalem  that  his  opponents,  the  priests  and 
prophets,  preferred  a  capital  charge  against  him  be- 
cause he  had  prophesied  against  the  city  (xxvi.).  It 
was  a  critical  moment  for  the  prophet.  Calmly  he 
reiterated  his  former  words,  and  warned  his  accusers 
against  bringing  innocent  blood  upon  their  capital. 
His  voice  might  then  have  been  silenced,  had  not  cer- 
tain of  the  elders,  chief  among  whom  was  Ahikam, 
the  son  of  Josiah's  secretary,  Shaphan,  saved  him  by 
citing  the  precedent  of  Micah,  the  Morashtite,  who 
had  declared  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah,  "  Zion  shall  be 
ploughed  as  a  field,  and  Jerusalem  shall  become  heaps, 
and  the  mountain  of  the  house  as  the  high  places  of  a 
forest  "  (Micah  iii.  12).  Uriah,  a  prophet  of  the  town 
of  Kiriath-jearim,  who  prophesied,  as  did  Jeremiah, 
respecting  the  fate  of  the  city  and  land,  had  no  power- 
ful patrons  to  espouse  his  cause.  Persecution  by  the 
king  and  princes  led  him  to  flee  to  Egj^Dt,  whither 
Jehoiakim  sent  messengers,  who  brought  him  back 
and  then  slew  him,  casting  his  body  into  the  common 
burial  field.  The  murder  of  this  early  martyr  indi- 
cates the  temper  of  king  and  people,  which  led  the 
few  true  prophets,  like  Jeremiah,  to  realize  that  the 
fate  of  the  nation  Avas  sealed. 

195.  The  rule  of  Egypt  over  Palestine  lasted  only 


188  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

four  years.  After  the  capture  of  Nineveli  the  Chal- 
deans soon  conquered  the  territory  of  the  fallen  foe ; 
and  in  605-604  b.  c.  Nebuchadrezzar  (wrongly  written 
Nebuchadnezzar  in  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles), 
the  son  of  Nabopolassar,  met  Necho  in  a  raemorable 
battle  near  the  tov/n  of  Carchemisli,  on  the  Euphrates. 
Jeremiah  xlvi.  re-echoes  the  din  of  that  fierce  conflict : 
Egj^3t's  ''mighty  ones  were  beaten  down,  they  fled 
away  and  looked  not  back ;  their  swift  and  mighty 
men  stumbled  and  fell."  The  advance  of  the  con- 
queror was  delayed  by  the  death  of  his  father.  Two 
or  three  years  elapsed  before  he  could  establish  himself 
upon  the  throne,  and  again  turn  westward  to  reap  the 
fruits  of  the  victory  which  left  him  master  of  south- 
western Asia. 

196.  The  impending  advance  of  the  Chaldeans  gave 
new  force  to  the  warnings  of  the  true  prophets.  Be- 
fore his  armies  reached  Judah  Jeremiah  proclaimed 
with  the  most  absolute  assurance  that  Nebuchadrezzar 
would  lay  Judah  desolate,  and  that  the  nations  about 
would  also  be  compelled  to  drink  of  tliis  winecup  of 
fury  from  the  hand  of  Jehovah  (xxv.).  Habald^uk 
voices  the  cry  of  doubt  and  anguish  v/hich  escaped  at 
this  time  from  the  lips  of  the  few  faithful  followers  of 
Jehovah:  ''Within  Judah  the  law  is  relaxed,  justice 
perverted,  violence  rules,  while  the  flerce  and  pitiless 
Chaldeans  are  sweeping  down  upon  us  for  our  destruc- 
tion. Thou  that  art  of  purer  eyes  than  to  behold  evil,  and 
that  canst  not  look  on  perverseness,  wherefore  lookest 
thou  on  them  that  deal  treacherously,  and  boldest  thy 
peace  when  the  wicked  swallows  up  the  man  that  is 
more  righteous  than  he?"  With  Jeremiah,  he  realized 
that  the  overweening  pride  of  their  foes  would  ulti- 


JUDAH'S   SUBMISSION  TO   BABYLON  189 

mately  prove  their  destruction  (Jer.  xxv.  12 ;  Hab.  ii. 
8) ;  but  for  the  present  there  was  nothing  for  the  just 
man  to  do  but  wait  and  trust  that  his  integrity  would 
yet  be  vindicated  (ii.  4).  These  words  of  warning 
may  have  been  that  which  influenced  the  Judeans  to 
submit  without  resistance  when  Nebuchadrezzar  ad- 
vanced, about  600  B.  c,  to  the  conquest  of  the  west- 
land.  After  three  years,  however,  they  entered  upon 
that  mad  career  of  revolt  which  darkens  the  last 
chapter  of  Judah's  history. 


IV 

JEREIVIIAH   AND   THE   FALL   OF   JERUSALEM 

197.  Viewed  in  the  perspective  of  liistory,  the  most 
important  character  in  this  closing  period  of  Hebrew 
history  is  Juclah's  last  and  greatest  prophet.  Thi'ough- 
out  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim,  however,  Jeremiah's  words 
were  treated  only  with  contempt.  At  times  discour- 
aged, but  never  daunted,  he  constantly  sought  new 
means  whereby  to  make  an  impression  upon  his  un- 
willing hearers.  When  the  approach  of  the  Chaldeans, 
after  the  battle  of  Carchemish,  had  led  to  the  procla- 
mation of  a  national  fast  at  Jerusalem,  he  seized  the 
opportunity  to  collect  his  former  prophecies,  and  then 
himself  despatched  his  faithful  scribe,  Baruch,  to  the 
Temple  to  read  them  in  the  presence  of  the  people 
(xxxvi.).  A  grandson  of  Josiah's  secretary,  Shaphan, 
hastened  to  inform  the  princes  assembled  in  the  palace ; 
and  Baruch  was  forthwith  summoned  to  read  his  roll 
before  them.  As  they  listened  they  were  so  far  im- 
pressed by  its  contents  that  they  determined  to  bring 
it  to  the  attention  of  the  king.  Knowing  his  dislike 
for  the  uncompromising  prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  they 
kindly  urged  Baruch  to  flee  with  his  m.aster  into  con- 
cealment. Then  they  informed  Jehoiakim  of  the  affair, 
and  at  his   command  the   roll  was  brought.     Before 

190 


ACTIVITY  OF  JEREMIAH  191 

many  pages  had  been  read,  he  contemptuously  cut  it 
into  pieces,  and  cast  it  into  a  fire  that  was  burning  on 
a  brazier  such  as  those  with  wliich  the  Hebrews  heated 
their  homes  during  the  cokl  winter  months.  The  re- 
monstrances of  certain  of  his  ministers,  who  were 
friendly  to  Jeremiah,  were  in  vain.  Three  of  the 
nobles  were  at  once  sent  out  to  take  the  prophet  and 
his  faithful  scribe  ;  "but  the  Lord  hid  them." 

198.  Two  or  three  years  later,  when  the  spirit  of 
revolt  was  sv/eeping  Judah  into  fatal  opposition  to 
Babylon,  Jeremiah  redoubled  his  efforts  to  bring  the 
infatuated  people  to  their  senses.  The  political  policy 
which  he  advocated  was  the  same  as  that  urged  by 
Isaiah  under  strikingly  similar  circumstances.  To 
the  party  who  were  relying  upon  Egypt  to  save  them 
from  Babylon,  he  said,  ''  Cursed  is  he  that  trusteth  in 
man,  and  maketh  flesh  his  arm.  God  alone  is  the  true 
source  of  confidence;  for  as  the  clay  in  the  potter's 
hand,  so  are  you,  O  house  of  Israel,  in  the  hand  of 
Jehovah;  therefore,  amend  your  ways  if  you  desire 
deliverance  "  (xvii.  5,  7 ;  xviii.  6, 11).  There  was,  how- 
ever, no  hope,  for  the  people  were  bent  upon  following 
their  own  devices  (xviii.  12). 

199.  In  597  b.  c.  Jehoiakim  openly  revolted.  The 
other  states  of  Palestine,  instead  of  joining  with  him, 
overran  the  territory  of  Judah  at  the  instigation  of 
their  Babylonian  master.  Among  those  who  then 
sought  refuge  in  Jerusalem  were  men  of  the  tribe  of 
the  Recabites,  descendants  of  the  wandering  Kenites, 
who  had  tenaciously  clung  to  their  nomadic  life  and 
customs.  Knowing  the  steadfastness  with  which  they 
adhered  to  the  strict  injunctions  of  their  great  re- 
former, Jonadab  (II.  Kings  x.  15-24),  Jeremiah  invited 


192  A  HISTORY  OF   THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

them  into  the  Temple  and  placed  wine  before  them. 
As  he  had  anticipated,  they  bluntly  refused  to  partake. 
Thereupon  he  turned  to  the  Judeans  and  drew  a  for- 
cible contrast  between  their  disregard  for  the  com- 
mands of  Jehovah,  as  proclaimed  by  his  prophets,  and 
the  fidelity  of  the  Recabites  in  following  the  precepts 
of  their  ancestor.  At  another  time  Jeremiah  led  cer- 
tain of  the  elders  of  Jerusalem  out  into  the  valley  of 
Hinnom,  which  had  often  been  defiled  by  human  sac- 
rifices, and  solemnly  broke  before  them  a  potter's  vessel, 
which  he  had  brought  with  him  (xix.).  Then  he  de- 
clared in  the  name  of  Jehovah :  "  Even  so  will  I  break 
this  people  and  city."  When  he  repeated  his  prophecy 
in  the  court  of  the  Temple,  he  was  violently  attacked 
and  put  in  the  public  stocks  by  Pashur,  the  cliief  officer 
of  the  house  of  the  Lord  (xx.).  When  the  crowds,  as 
they  passed  by,  derided  him,  his  humanity  asserted  it- 
self ;  bitterly  he  cursed  the  day  of  his  birth,  and  prayed 
that  he  might  see  Jehovah's  vengeance  upon  his  per- 
secutors (xx.  12) ;  but,  painful  as  was  his  lot,  he  still 
went  on  prophesying,  for,  as  he  pathetically  exclaims : 
"•  If  I  say  I  will  not  speak  any  more  in  his  name,  then 
there  is  in  mine  heart  as  it  were  a  burning  fire  shut  up 
in  my  bones,  and  I  am  weary  with  forbearing,  so  that 
I  cannot  stay  (xx.  9). 

200.  Death  removed  Jehoiakim  before  he  saw  the 
final  results  of  his  folly  in  revolting  against  Babylon. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  eighteen-year-old  son,  Coniah, 
or  Jeconiah  (Jer.  xxii.  24 ;  xxiv.  1),  who  assumed  at 
his  accession  the  name  Jehoiakin.  The  queen  mother, 
Nehushta,  appears  to  have  been  the  virtual  ruler  (Jer. 
xxii.  26).  It  was,  however,  a  barren  reign,  lasting  only 
three   months.      The   circle   of   Judah's  enemies  was 


FIRST   CAPTURE   OF  JERUSALEM  193 

ever  drawing  closer  and  closer.  The  cities  outside 
Jerusalem  v/ere  abandoned  to  their  fate  (Jer.  xiii.  19). 
In  vain  the  Judeans  looked  toward  Egypt  for  help,  for 
Nebuchadrezzar  had  barred  his  rival  out  of  Palestine 
(II.  Kings  xxiv.  7).  At  last  a  division  of  the  army 
of  the  great  conqueror  Avas  detailed  to  lay  siege  to  the 
capital,  and  the  pride  of  the  king  and  queen-mother 
was  humbled  (Jer.  xiii.  18).  Seeing  that  resistance 
was  hopeless,  they  with  their  court  surrendered  uncon- 
ditionally on  the  arrival  of  the  Babylonian  monarch. 
In  their  treatment  of  rebellious  states  the  Chaldeans 
followed  the  policy  of  the  Ass}Tians.  Jehoiakin  was 
carried  away  to  Babylon.  During  the  latter  part  of 
his  exile  he  was  kindly  treated  by  his  captors  (Jer.  lii. 
31-34),  and  was  regarded  with  marked  respect  by  his 
subjects,  who  shared  his  captivity  (Ezek.  i.  2 ;  Lam.  iv. 
20).  With  him  went  the  best  elements  in  Judah.  In 
addition  to  the  nobles  and  court,  Nebuchadrezzar  car- 
ried off  seven  thousand  trained  warriors  and  one  thou- 
sand artisans.  In  many  cases,  although  not  always 
(Ezek.  xxiv.  21),  their  families  went  with  them  to 
swell  the  numbers  in  the  Jewish  colony,  which  was 
established  on  the  river  Chebar  in  the  land  of  the 
Chaldeans  (Ezek.  i.  3).  To  pay  the  heavy  tribute 
exacted  by  the  conqueror,  palace  and  Temple  were 
looted.  Bitterly  did  those  who  were  left  behind  feel 
the  loss  of  the  vessels  of  the  Lord's  house,  which  went 
to  furnish  Babylonian  temples  (Jer.  xxvii.  16;  Dan. 
i.  2 ;  V.  2).  Only  the  pillars,  the  brazen  sea,  the  vases, 
and  the  less  valuable  vessels  were  left  behind  (Jer. 
xxvii.  18). 

201.  Those  who  were  carried  into  exile  at  the  first 
captivity,  in  597  b.  c,  had  proved  themselves  base 

13 


194  A   HISTORY   OF   THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

enough ;  but  even  Jeremiah  called  them  good  in  com- 
parison ^vith  the  ignorant,  inefficient  men  who  were 
allowed  to  remain.  Over  these  Nebuchadrezzar  placed, 
as  his  vassal,  Mattaniah,  a  younger  son  of  Josiah,  who 
is  known  in  history  by  his  official  name,  Zedekiah. 
The  situation  called  for  a  ruler  who  could  organize 
and  then  hold  these  turbulent  elements  to  a  wise  and 
consistent  policy.  Under  the  Assyrian  rule,  Judali 
had  bent  before  the  storm  and  thus  survived;  the 
Chaldeans  were  no  harsher  taskmasters.  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  the  new  king  was  lacking  in  both 
energy  and  courage.  Although  his  intentions  were 
good,  he  proved  only  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  his  head- 
strong nobles. 

202.  The  overwhelming  disaster,  which  had  come 
upon  Judah,  instead  of  leading  the  people  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  the  true  prophets,  only  prompted  them  to 
cry  more  vehemently:  "The  Lord  seeth  us  not;  the 
Lord  hath  forsaken  the  land "  (Ezek.  viii.  12 ;  ix.  9). 
Having  lost  faith  in  Jehovah,  they  turned  to  the  old 
superstitions.  The  ancient  totemistic  forms  of  wor- 
ship were  secretly  revived  in  connection  Avith  the 
Temple ;  an  Asherah  was  again  set  up  within  the  sacred 
precincts :  the  women  adopted  the  Syrian  custom  of 
weeping  for  Tammuz ;  and  the  men  worshipped  the 
sun,  turning  their  backs  upon  Jehovah's  sanctuary 
(Ezek.  viii.).  The  siren  voices  of  the  false  prophets, 
who  deliberately  or  mistakenly  uttered  lying  messages 
in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  continued  to  lure  the  nation 
on  to  its  ruin. 

203.  Soon  after  the  accession  of  Zedekiah,  mes- 
sengers came  from  the  vassal  kings  of  Moab,  Ammon, 
and   Tyre,  urging  him   to   join   in  a  league   against 


JEREMIAH  AND  THE  FALSE   PROPHETS  195 

Babylon.  Chapters  xxvii.  and  xxviii.  of  Jeremiah's 
prophecy  reflect  the  bitter  conflict  which  was  then 
waged  between  him  and  those  "  who  prophesied  lies." 
The  methods  and  form  of  expression  used  by  each 
were  identical,  so  that  it  is  not  strange  that  the  people 
found  it  difficult  to  decide  which  to  believe.  Jere- 
miah's advice  was :  "  Serve  the  king  of  Babylon,  and 
live."  His  opponents,  chief  among  whom  was  the 
prophet  Hananiah,  declared  that  Jehovah  had  broken 
the  yoke  of  Babylon,  and  that  within  two  years  Je- 
hoialdn,  with  tlie  captives  and  spoil  taken  by  Nebu- 
chackezzar,  would  be  brought  back  to  Jerusalem.  To 
impress  his  words,  Hananiah  took  the  yoke  which  Jere- 
miah was  wearing  about  his  neck,  as  a  symbol  of  the 
continued  rule  of  Babylon,  and  broke  it  in  pieces  be- 
fore the  people,  saying,  "  Even  so  v/ill  Jehovah  break 
the  yoke  of  Nebuchadrezzar  within  two  full  years  from 
off  the  neck  of  all  the  nations."  For  the  moment  Jere- 
miah was  silenced ;  but  he  soon  returned  with  the  mes- 
sage that  the  broken  yoke  of  wood  was  to  be  exchanged 
for  a  yoke  of  iron,  and  that  within  a  year  Hananiah 
would  atone  for  his  lying  words  with  his  life.  The 
death  of  this  degenerate  prophet  undoubtedly  did  more 
than  anything  else  to  establish  in  the  minds  of  the 
people  the  truth  of  Jeremiah's  predictions  and  save 
their  state  temporarily  from  fatal  entanglements. 

204.  The  fanatical  belief,  however,  that  Jehovali 
would  interpose  in  a  miraculous  v/ay  to  rescue  his 
people  from  the  hands  of  their  enemies  Avas  also  shared 
by  many  of  the  exiles.  False  prophets  and  prophet- 
esses in  their  midst  encouraged  them  in  the  delusion, 
so  that  Ezekiel,  like  Jeremiah,  with  whom  he  was  in 
perfect  agreement,  recognized  that  his  influence  was 


196  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

constantly  being  neutralized.  Popular  faith  in  the 
prophetic  word  was  practically  destroyed,  and  with  it 
that  veneration  which  had  heretofore  guarded  the  per- 
son of  the  ambassador  of  the  Highest.  Communica- 
tion between  the  exiles  and  their  brethren  in  Judah 
was  frequent ;  and  despite  the  efforts  of  Jeremiah  and 
Ezekiel,  the  two  kindled  each  other's  fanatical  hopes 
until,  in  588  b.  c,  those  in  Judah  plunged  into  another 
revolt  against  Babylon.  Amnion  and  Tyi-e  joined  with 
them,  and  ambassadors  were  despatched  to  Egypt  to 
secure  "horses  and  much  people"  (Ezek.  xvii.  15). 
Nebuchadrezzar  gave  the  rebellion  his  immediate  atr 
tention,  and  by  January  of  587  b.  c.  was  encamped 
with  his  army  about  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  In  their 
terror  and  dismay  its  inhabitants  were  induced  to  ob- 
serve the  neglected  law,  incorporated  in  Deuteronomy 
XV.  12,  13,  and  free  their  Hebrew  slaves  and  maid- 
servants (Jer.  xxxiv.).  The  act  was  of  the  nature  of 
a  solemn  covenant  with  Jehovah,  intended  to  induce 
him  to  deliver  them  from  their  imminent  danger.  It 
may  also  have  had  in  view  the  practical  aim  of  increas- 
ing the  number  of  loyal  defenders  to  guard  the  city 
walls. 

205.  At  this  juncture  lamentation  was  temporarily 
changed  to  rejoicing  by  the  unexpected  departure  of 
the  besieging  army.  The  cause  was  the  advance  of 
an  Egyptian  force  under  Hophra  (Jer.  xxxvii.  5).  The 
short  respite  was  regarded  by  the  fanatical  people  as 
an  omen  that  they  were  again  to  be  delivered,  as  in 
the  days  of  Hezekiah.  Notwithstanding  the  remon- 
strances of  Jeremiah  against  their  perfidy,  the  slaves 
who  had  been  set  free  were  forthwith  brought  under 
the  old  bondage  (Jer.  xxxiv.).     The  prophet  himself,  as 


JEKEMIAH'S  NARROW  ESCAPE  197 

he  set  out  for  his  estate  at  Anathoth,  was  arrested, 
brought  before  the  princes,  and  charged  with  attempt- 
ing to  desert  to  the  Chakleans.  His  hostile  judges, 
after  venting  their  spite  upon  him,  cast  him  into  a  vile 
prison,  where  he  remained  many  days,  until  Zedekiah, 
alarmed  perhaps  by  the  report  of  the  movements  of 
the  Chaldean  army,  secretly  summoned  him  into  his 
presence.  In  reply  to  his  eager  question,  Jeremiah 
declared  to  the  king  that  he  would  surely  be  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  his  foe.  To  those  who  did  not  un- 
derstand the  true  patriotism  which  inspired  his  advice 
to  submit,  Jeremiah  seemed  indeed  a  traitor  to  the 
common  cause.  The  friendship  of  a  king  who  openly 
admitted  his  inability  to  oppose  their  will  was  of  no 
avail  to  deliver  him  from  the  vindictive  assault  of 
the  princes  (Jer.  xxxviii.).  Not  wishing  to  slay  him 
openly,  they  let  the  prophet  down  into  a  cistern  and 
left  him  there  to  die  a  miserable  death.  It  w^as  fortu- 
nate that  there  was  no  water  in  the  cistern,  and  that 
Jeremiah  had  a  friend  among  the  heterogeneous  crowd 
which  gathered  about  the  king.  His  deliverer  was  an 
Ethiopian  by  the  name  of  Ebed-meleck  ("slave  of  the 
king").  Informing  his  royal  master  of  the  danger 
which  threatened  the  prophet,  he  was  commissioned 
to  go  with  a  band  of  men  to  his  rescue.  During  the 
remainder  of  the  siege,  v/hich  had  meantime  been  re- 
newed, Jeremiah  was  under  the  protection  of  the  royal 
guard.  Again  he  assured  the  king,  in  a  private  inter- 
view, that  the  only  salvation  for  himself  and  his  capi- 
tal lay  in  surrender  to  the  Chaldeans.  The  irresolute 
Zedekiah  was,  however,  too  weak  to  oppose  his  proud 
princes,  who  were  bent  upon  continuing  the  resistance, 
even  though  their  hopes  that  Egypt  would  deliver  them 
had  proved  utterly  futile. 


198  A  HISTOKY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

206.  Certain  passages  in  Lamentations  (ii.  19-22; 
iv.  10)  suggest  the  liorrors  of  the  siege,  which  lasted 
a  year  and  a  half.  Famine  drove  the  Hebrew  mothers 
to  such  a  pitch  of  madness  that  they  did  not  hesitate 
to  consume  their  own  children ;  while  it  so  far  weak- 
ened the  strength  of  the  defenders  that  in  July  of 
586  B.  c.  the  besiegers  were  able  to  force  an  entrance 
into  the  city  tln*ough  the  northern  wall.  Under  the 
cover  of  night  Zedekiah,  with  his  few  warriors,  fled 
through  the  southern  gate,  down  across  the  barren 
wilderness  of  Judea  toward  the  Jordan.  The  fugi- 
tives were  overtaken,  however,  by  the  Chaldeans  on 
the  plain  of  Jericho ;  Zedekiah  was  carried  before 
Nebuchadrezzar  at  Riblah  in  Hamath,  where  he  was 
forced  to  witness  the  slaughter  of  liis  sons ;  and  then 
was  condemned  to  lose  his  eyes  and  spend  the  re- 
mainder of  liis  days  in  captivity  at  Babylon.  His 
nobles,  including  the  leading  priests  of  the  Temple, 
the  king's  cabinet,  the  chief  military  commanders,  and 
sixty  of  the  more  prominent  elders,  were  likev/ise 
brought  before  the  great  king  at  Riblah  and  slain. 
Those  who  escaped  the  slaughter  at  the  capture  of  the 
city,  together  with  the  deserters  to  the  Chaldeans,  were 
carried  into  exile.  Nabuzaradan,  an  officer  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar, was  deputed  to  attend  to  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem.  First  it  was  despoiled  of  its  treasures, 
the  vessels  of  the  Temple,  which  remained  from  the 
first  captivity,  being  among  the  booty;  then  all  the 
houses,  including  the  palace  and  the  house  of  the  Lord, 
were  burnt,  and  the  walls  of  the  city  torn  down.  At 
last  Micah's  grim  prophecy  was  literally  fulfilled: 
"Jerusalem  became  heaps,  and  the  mountain  of  the 
house  as  the  high  places  of  a  forest." 


THE  LAST   CHAPTEK   OF   JUDAH  S  HISTOEY 

207.  Befoee  the  national  life  of  Judali  was  extin- 
guished entirely,  it  flashed  up  in  one  brilliant,  expir- 
ing gleam.  Not  wishing  to  leave  the  land  utterly 
desolate,  Nebuchadrezzar  allowed  certain  of  the  poorer 
Judeans,  chiefly  vinedressers  and  shepherds,  to  remain 
behind.  With  them  were  left  a  few  nobles  whose 
loyalty  could  be  trusted.  Over  the  little  state  was 
placed,  as  governor,  Gedaliah,  the  son  of  Jeremiah's 
patron,  Ahikam,  and  the  grandson  of  Josiah's  secre- 
tary, Shaphan.  Jerusalem  being  destroyed,  Mizpah, 
located  on  a  height  a  few  miles  to  the  north,  was 
selected  as  the  seat  of  government.  Among  Geda- 
liah's  stanchest  supporters  was  the  prophet  Jeremiah. 
At  first  he  had  been  carried  in  chains  with  other  Jew- 
ish captives  to  Ramah  (Jer.  xl.  1).  There  a  careful 
investigation  was  made,  by  the  Chaldean  oflicers,  of 
the  record  of  the  prisoners,  and  judgment  meted  out 
according  to  their  deeds.  Jeremiah's  determined  op- 
position to  rebellion  was  rewarded  by  giving  him  the 
choice  of  either  going  with  the  exiles  or  remaining 
with  his  kinsmen  in  Judah.  Duty,  and  probably  incli- 
nation as  well,  led  him  to  join  Gedaliah ;  for  in  this 
noble  ruler  he  recognized  one  who  was  in  perfect  sym- 

199 


200  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

patliy  with  his  teachings,  and  who  might  yet  realize 
what  had  been  impossible  while  the  headstrong  princes 
who  had  met  their  fate  at  Riblah  still  guided  the 
state. 

208.  For  two  bright  months  (Jer.  xli.  1)  all  went 
well.  Judean  fugitives,  who  had  sought  refuge  among 
the  surrounding  peoples,  flocked  to  the  standard  of 
the  wise  Gedaliah.  In  peace  the  people  turned  to 
agricultural  pursuits.  Old  hopes  were  being  revived, 
when  suddenly  all  was  ruined  by  an  act  of  superla- 
tive treachery.  The  petty  kings  of  the  surrounding 
nations  looked  with  bitter  jealousy  upon  any  prosperity 
enjoyed  by  their  old  rival.  Prompted  by  this  feeling, 
the  king  of  Ammon  instigated  a  certain  Jewish  prince 
by  the  name  of  Ishmael  to  kill  Gedaliah.  Refusing  to 
think  any  evil  of  Ishmael,  although  he  had  previously 
been  warned  of  a  plot,  the  generous  governor  freely 
extended  to  him  his  hospitality,  in  return  for  wliich 
he  received  the  death-thrust.  The  iew  Judeans  and 
the  Chaldean  soldiers  in  attendance  upon  Gedaliah 
were  also  slain  by  the  assassin  and  his  followers. 
Even  a  band  of  harmless  pilgrims  who  stopped  at 
Mizpah  on  their  way  to  the  site  of  the  ruined  Temple 
at  Jerusalem,  did  not  escape  the  fiendish  perfidy  of 
this  base  son  of  the  East.  With  the  princesses  and 
the  few  men  of  Mizpah  who  had  been  spared,  Ishmael 
set  out  to  return  to  his  master,  the  king  of  Ammon. 
On  the  way,  however,  he  was  overtaken  by  certain 
followers  of  the  murdered  governor,  who  forced  him 
to  abandon  his  captives  and  flee  for  his  life. 

209.  Rejecting  Jeremiah's  counsel  to  remain,  the 
little  band  who  survived  Ishmael's  slaughter  fled  to 
Eg}^t  to  avoid  the  vengeance  which  they  feared  the 


THE  COMPLETE  EXTINCTION  OE  JUDAH         201 

Chaldeans  would  visit  upon  them  because  of  the 
murder  of  their  governor.  Perhaps  their  apprehen- 
sions were  not  without  foundation,  for,  according  to 
Jeremiah  lii.  30,  there  was  later  still  another  deporta- 
tion, whereby  seven  hundred  and  forty-five  more  Ju- 
deans  were  carried  to  Babylon.  In  the  land  of  Judah 
there  remained  at  last  only  a  few  humble  peasants; 
all  semblance  of  local  government  disappeared.  Jere- 
miah was  taken  by  the  fugitives  into  the  land  of  Egypt, 
where  he  continued  his  painful  ministry  until,  accord- 
ing to  tradition,  he  met  a  martyr's  death  at  the  hands 
of  his  countrymen.  From  his  latest  prophecies  it 
appears  that  the  Egyptian  exiles  soon  relapsed  into 
practical  heathenism,  retaining  only  the  forms  of  the 
worship  of  Jehovah.  That  which  remained  of  the  real 
life  of  the  Hebrew  people  was  found  among  the  group 
of  Jewish  captives  in  the  land  of  Babylon,  and  upon 
them  rested  the  future  of  their  race  and  religion.  At 
this  point  also  the  history  of  the  Hebrew  nation  closes, 
and  Jewish  history  begins. 

210.  Judah,  like  the  northern  kingdom,  came  to  an 
end  from  the  same  causes,  and  in  accordance  with  the 
same  unchangeable  laws  which  have  repeatedly  oper- 
ated in  the  downfall  of  other  kingdoms.  As  the  prophets 
so  clearly  pointed  out,  religious,  social  and  moral 
corruption  led  to  the  weakening  and  disintegration  of 
the  state.  Selfish,  inefficient  rulers  and  blind  spiritual 
leaders  hastened  this  process,  so  that,  when  the  temper 
of  the  nation  was  severely  tested  by  the  weight  of  the 
heavy  yoke  of  the  foreign  conqueror,  it  was  unequal 
to  the  strain,  and  in  the  end  Judah's  vacillating  policy 
brought  down  upon  it  the  destructive  wrath  of  Baby- 
lon.    The  individual  events  in  Hebrew  history  were 


202  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

analogous  to  those  which  entered  into  the  life  of  other 
peoples.  As  has  been  repeatedly  noted,  the  popular 
beliefs  and  the  forms  in  which  Jehovah  was  v/orshipped 
were  also  very  similar  to  those  which  prevailed  among 
the  surrounding  Semitic  nations.  Hebrew  history  is 
unique  because  of  the  presence  and  work  of  its  in- 
spired teachers.  They  moulded  its  life,  interpreted 
the  true  significance  of  its  events,  and  proclaimed  the 
nature,  will,  and  purposes  of  the  Eternal  Father,  who 
found  in  them  his  willing  messengers,  and  who  in 
turn  revealed  himself  to  them  as  to  none  of  their 
contemporaries. 

211.  Hence,  while  the  state  was  going  down  to  its 
ruin,  the  prophetic  vision  and  ideals  were  always 
broadening.  National  experiences,  Vvdiich  shook  the 
faith  of  the  masses,  constantly  opened  to  the  true 
prophets  new  and  deeper  conceptions  of  Jehovah  and 
of  his  world  plan.  While  public  morals  deteriorated, 
these  men,  who  were  in  living  touch  with  the  Holy 
One,  continued  to  demand  conformity  to  higher  and 
higher  standards  of  mercy  and  righteousness.  As  they 
were  led  to  perceive  the  glaring  imperfections  in  the 
Hebrew  commonwealth,  they  portrayed  with  ever-in- 
creasing definiteness  the  outlines  of  the  perfect  state 
of  the  future  in  which  the  will  of  Jehovah  should  be 
the  supreme  law.  Gradually  they  began  to  realize 
that  their  nation  as  a  whole  would  never  attain  to  the 
divine  ideal.  Jeremiah  voiced  this  conclusion,  and  at 
the  same  time  opened  a  new  chapter  in  God's  revela- 
tion, when  he  declared,  as  he  sat  upon  the  ruins  of 
Jerusalem,  that  instead  of  the  old  covenant  between 
God  and  the  nation,  which  had  been  broken  by  the 
people's  sins,  Jehovah  would  establish  a  new  and  ever- 


JEREMIAH'S  ETERNAL  MESSAGE  203 

lasting  covenant,  inscribed,  not  in  laAv  books,  but  in 
*  the  human  heart.  Then  the  people  would  come  no 
more  to  the  priest  or  prophet  to  learn  the  character 
and  will  of  God,  but  all  would  know  him,  from  the 
least  of  them  even  to  the  greatest  (xxxi.  31-34).  Old 
forms  would  no  longer  be  necessary;  even  the  Ark 
would  be  forgotten  (iii.  16) ;  for  Jehovah  himself 
would  cleanse  the  iniquities  of  his  people  and  freely 
pardon.  Each  man  is  personally  responsible  for  his 
own  action,  and  therefore  according  to  his  own  deeds 
alone  shall  he  be  judged  before  God  (xxxi.  29,  30). 

212.  Although  Jeremiah,  with  the  prophets  who  had 
gone  before,  still  looked  forward  for  the  realization  of 
these  exalted  ideals  to  the  time  when  exile  should  have 
done  its  work  of  purification  and  the  Jewish  race  should 
be  restored  to  its  land,  he  proclaimed  in  germ  the  great 
truth  of  Cliristianity,  that  religion  after  all  is  a  rela- 
tion between  the  loving  Father  and  liis  individual 
children.  In  many  ways  the  message  of  the  weeping 
prophet  is  more  closely  related  to  the  New  Testament 
teacliing  than  that  of  any  other  Old  Testament  writer ; 
but  before  the  supreme  truths  intrusted  to  the  Hebrew 
prophets  could  be  imparted  to  all  humanity,  they  must 
find  personal  expression.  During  the  period  of  the 
exile  this  was  partially  realized  in  the  faithful  Israel, 
who,  amidst  persecution  and  doubt,  preserved  the 
sacred  revelation,  and  came  back  to  Palestine  forever 
purged  of  the  old  idolatry  and  entirely  converted  to 
the  teaching  of  the  true  prophets.  Later  Judaism 
failed,  however,  to  realize  fully  the  prophetic  ideals ; 
only  in  the  perfect  Son  of  Man,  the  Son  of  the  Eternal 
Father,  did  the  old  half-truths  find  their  complete  and 
personal  fulfilment.     The  same  God  who  gradually  re- 


204  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   HEBREW  PEOPLE 

vealed  himself  to  his  people  amidst  the  varied  experi- 
ences of  their  history  perfected  that  revelation  in  the 
life  and  work  of  the  Christ,  who  inaugurated  a  world- 
wide, spiritual  kingdom,  limited  to  no  race  or  land  or 
forms,  and  transcending  the  highest  expectations  of 
inspired  prophet  and  psalmist. 


APPENDIX 


THE  AUTHORITIES   UPON  HEBREW 
HISTORY 


APPENDIX 

THE   AUTHOEITIES   UPON   HEBEEW  HISTOEY 

The  Prophetic  period  of  Hebrew  history  has  evoked 
from  the  writers  of  the  past  and  present  a  greater  volume 
of  literature  than  any  other  ancient  epoch,  except  that 
which  immediately  followed  the  beginniug  of  the  Christian 
era.  So  many  and  so  important  have  been  the  new  dis- 
coveries, however,  and  so  rapid  the  advances  in  biblical 
study,  that  of  the  thousands  of  books  which  relate  to  this 
period,  only  a  very  few  dating  from  the  preceding  decade 
are  still  of  value  even  to  the  technical  student.  Although 
the  present  bibliography  is  limited  to  the  more  recent 
works,  it  has  been  found  exceedingly  difficult  to  keep  the 
list  of  books  of  reference  within  practical  bounds. 

In  addition  to  the  books  described  in  the  preceding 
volume  of  the  History  (pages  209-212),  of  especial  service 
to  the  historical  student  is  Schrader's  The  Cuneiform  In- 
scriptions and  the  Old  Testament^  in  which  the  author 
has  collected  a.nd  interpreted  the  Assyrian  inscriptions 
which  throw  light  upon  the  Old  Testament  books.  The 
latest  results  of  Assyriological  study  are  ably  presented 
in  Winckler's  KeilinschriftUches  Texthuch  zum  Alten  Testa- 
ment, which  covers  the  same  field.  In  the  new  series  of 
the  Records  of  the  Past,  edited  by  Professor  Sayce,  is 
found  a  translation  of  many  of  the  more  important  in- 
scriptions which  relate  directly  or  indirectly  to  the  history 
of  the  Hebrews.  Still  more  comprehensive,  and  on  the 
whole  more  accurate,  is  the  corresponding  German  work, 

207 


208  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

Die  Keili7ischriftliche  Bibliothek,  prepared  under  the 
general  editorship  of  Professor  Schrader.  It  also  pre- 
sents the  transliterated  text,  thus  making  it  possible  for 
those  familiar  with  the  Assyrian  to  verify  the  suggested 
translations. 

Semitic  history  has  recently  been  enriched  by  the 
second  volume  of  Professor  McCurdy's  History,  FrojyhecT/, 
and  the  Monuments,  which  treats  of  the  period  of  Assyria's 
greatest  power,  and  consequently  of  Judah's  greatest  peril. 
For  a  comprehensive  survey  of  Assyrian  history  Tide's 
Bahylonische-Assyrische  Geschichte  remains  the  standard 
authority.  It  should,  however,  be  read  in  connection 
with  Professor  Winckler's  more  recent  work,  Geschichte 
Babyloniens  und  Assyriens. 

Among  a  host  of  recent  books  dealing  with  the  life  and 
teachings  of  the  Hebrew  prophets,  W.  E.  Smith's  Projyhets 
of  Israel,  which  appears  in  a  new  edition  with  an  in- 
troduction and  a  few  corrections  by  Professor  Cheyne, 
continues  to  be  one  of  the  most  helpful  and  inspiring  in- 
troductions to  the  Assyrian  period  of  Hebrew  history. 
Kirkpatrick's  The  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets  is  of  great 
value  to  the  general  and  technical  student  alike,  since  it 
presents  in  concise  form  the  characteristic  teachings  of 
each  prophet,  with  the  date  of  his  activity  and  the  cir- 
cumstances amidst  which  he  labored.  Of  the  same  char- 
acter is  Professor  Cornill's  little  volume  on  the  Prophets 
of  Israel,  which  has  recently  been  translated  into  English. 
It  is  an  able  popular  presentation  of  the  positions  of  the 
advanced  German  school,  of  which  he  is  a  distinguished 
representative,  and  will  be  found  exceedingly  stimulating. 

The  list  of  commentaries  upon  the  different  prophetical 
books  has  been  restricted  to  a  few  of  the  best  English 
works,  which  present  the  latest  results  of  biblical  scholar- 
ship in  a  form  attractive  and  easily  intelligible  to  all 
readers.     Isaiah  is  illuminated  by  the  writings  of  Pro- 


AUTHORITIES  UPON  HEBREW  HISTORY         209 

fessors  Smith  and  Driver.  Both  treat  his  prophecies  in 
their  chronological  order,  and  interpret  them  in  their  his- 
torical setting.  Critical  questions  respecting  the  date 
and  authorship  of  the  different  sections  of  the  Book  of 
Isaiah  are  considered  in  detail  and  from  an  advanced 
point  of  view  by  Professor  Cheyne  in  his  Litroduction  to 
the  Book  of  Isaiah.  For  the  interpretation  of  individual 
passages,  the  commentaries  of  Cheyne,  Duhm,  and  Dillman 
are  the  best  authorities. 

Cheyne's  Jeremiah,  His  Life  and  Times  corresponds  to 
the  work  of  Professor  Driver  upon  Isaiah.  Although  its 
value  to  the  historical  student  is  somewhat  impaired  by 
the  presence  of  a  large  amount  of  homiletical  material, 
it  is  the  most  useful  book  on  Jeremiah  for  general  refer- 
ence. The  leading  commentaries  upon  Jeremiah's  prophe- 
cies are  those  of  Cornill,  Giesbrecht,  and  Orelli. 

Professor  G.  A.  Smith's  The  Booh  of  the  Twelve  Proijhets 
is  unquestionably  the  most  helpful  as  well  as  the  latest 
contribution  to  the  elucidation  of  the  shorter  prophetic 
books.  It  is  characterized  by  the  same  excellences  as  his 
work  on  Isaiah.  Still  more  popular  is  the  little  volume 
in  the  Men  of  the  Bible  Series  by  Canon  Farrar  on  The 
Minor  Pro2ohets.  For  the  interpretation  of  individual 
passages,  Orelli's  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Minor  Proi^hets 
is  valuable.  Students  of  the  German  will  consult  with 
great  profit  Wellhausen's  Die  Kleinen  Propheten  in  Skiz- 
zen  und  Vorarheiten. 

Within  its  special  field,  the  Messianic  Prophecy  of 
Eiehm  is  the  most  lucid  and  suggestive  introduction. 
For  the  classification  and  epitomization  of  the  different 
passages  the  Messianic  Prophecy  by  Professor  Briggs  is 
exceedingly  useful,  and  largely  supplants  the  older  and 
more  conservative  Old  Testament  Prophecy  by  Orelli. 


14 


BOOKS   OF  REFERENCE 


LITERATURE 

Abbreviations 

Dri Driver  —  lutroductiou   to  the   Literature  of 

the  Old  Testament,  1891. 
Kent Kent  —  The  Wise  Men  of  Ancient  Israel  and 

their  Proverbs,  1895. 
R.  P.    o  .....  .  Records  of  the  Past,  New  Series,  I.-VI.  1892. 

C.  I.  .......  .  Schrader  —  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  and 

the  Old  Testament,  I.,  II.     (Eng.  transl. 

1885). 
K.  B Keilinschriffcliche    Bibliothek,  I.-III.   1889- 

1892. 

HISTORY 

Ew Ewald  —  History  of  Israel,  IV.  (Eng.  transl. 

1883-1885).' 

McC McCurdy  —  History,  Prophecy,  and  the  Mon- 
uments, I.  II.  1894,  189G. 

En.  B Encyclopaedia  Biitannica  (Biblical  articles). 

Kitt Kittel  —  Geschichte  der  Hebraer,  I.  II.  1888, 

1892. 

St Stade  — Geschichte  desVolkes  Israel,  1. 1887. 

B.  A.  G Tiele  —  Babylonische-Assyrische  Geschichte, 

1886,  1888. 

PROPHECY 

W.  R.  S W.  R.  Smith  —  The  Prophets  of  Israel,  1895. 

Kirk Kirkpatrick  —  The  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets, 

1892. 

210 


BOOKS  OF  REFERENCE  211 

Abbreviations 

Corn.  Proplis.     .  .  Cornill  —  The  Prophets  of  Israel,  1895. 

Smith,  T.  P.    .  .  .  G.   A.   Smith  —  The   Book   of    the   Twelve 

Prophets,  I.  1896. 

Far Farrar  — The  Minor  Prophets,  1889. 

Smith,  Is G.  A.  Smith  — The  Book  of  Isaiah,  I.  1890. 

Dri.  Is Driver  —  Isaiah,  His  Life  and  Times,  1888. 

Cheyne Cheyne  —  Jeremiah,   His    Life   and    Times, 

1888. 

RELIGION 

Schultz Schultz  — Old    Testament    Theology,   I.   II. 

(Eng.  transl.  1892). 
Mont.  . Montefiore  —  The  Religion  of  the  Ancient 

Hebrews,  1892. 
Dill Dillman  —  Handbiich  der  AlttestamentUchen 

Theologie,  1895. 
Smend Smend  —  Alttestamentliche  Theologie,  1893. 

HISTORICAL  GEOGRAPHY 

G.  A.  S Smith,  G.  A.  —  The  Historical  Geography  of 

the  Holy  Land,  1894. 


REFERENCES 

Part  I.  — THE  PRE-ASSYKIAN  PERIOD   OF 
HEBREW  HISTORY 

I 

THE   HISTORICAL   SOURCES   FOR   THE    PERIOD 

I.  Kings  xii.-II.  Kings  iii.;  11.  Chronicles  x.  1-xxii.  9;  Dri. 
175-178,  183-185,  484-502;  C.  I.  I.  177-195;  R.  P.  II.  191-203, 
IV.  42-71;  W.  R.  S.  376-378;  En.  B.  XIV.  85,  86;  Kitt.  II. 
177-186,  192-199;  St.  73-79;  K.  B.  I.  170-174. 

II 

THE   CHRONOLOGY   OF    THE    TWO   KINGDOMS 

W.  R.  S.  144-151,  403-405;  McC.  II.  420-423;  R.  P.  11.  110- 
127,  207,  208;  Ew.  IV.  20-22,  295-299;  C.  I.  II.  161-199;  Kitt. 
II.  200-204;   St.  88-99;  B.  A.  G.  92-99. 

Ill 

THE    DIVISION    OF    THE    HEBREW    KINGDOM 

I.  Kings  xii.  1-24  ;  McC.  I.  252-254  ;  En.  B.  XIII.  406;  Mont. 
83-86;  Kitt.  II.  207-210;  St.  344-349;  Dill.  162-164;  St.  344- 
349. 

ly 

RESOURCES   AND    ORGANIZATION   OF    THE    TWO   KINGDOMS 

I.  Kings  xii.  25-32;  xiii.  33,  34;  G.  A.  S.  257-364;  McC.  I. 
316-322 ;  Ew.  IV.  1-20 ;  Dill.  164-170. 

212 


REFERENCES  213 

V 

POLITICAL   EVENTS   IN   ISRAEL   AND   JUDAH 

I.  Kings  xiv.  1-xvi.  34;  xx.  1-43;  xxii.  1-53;  II.  Kings  iii. 
1-27;  McC.  1.254-286;  C.  I.  I.  177-195;  G.  A.  S.  845,  34G; 
En.  B.  XIII.  406;  Ew.  IV.  23-59,  71-78;  Kitt.  II.  211-236, 
240-243;  Dill.  170-172;  St.  349-357,  519-524,527-541;  B.  A.  G. 
185-192. 

VI 

THE   RELIGIOUS   CRISIS    IN   ISRAEL,    AND   THE   WORK    OF    ELIJAH 

I.  Kings  xvii.  1-xix.  21;  xxi.  1-29  ;  II.  Kings  i.  1-ii.  25;  W. 
R.  S.  72-85;  Corn.  Prophs.  29-36;  Ew.  IV.  63-71,  101-113; 
Mont.  89-96;  Smith,  T.  P.  I.  20-30;  En.  B.  VIII.  134-136, 
XIII.  407;  Smend  152-159;  Dill.  172,  173;  St.  524-527. 


Part   XL— THE  ASSYEIAN  PEEIOD  OF 
ISRAEL'S   HISTOEY 

I 

THE   HISTORICAL    SOURCES   AND    CHRONOLOGY 

II.  Kings  iv.-xvii. ;  Amos ;  Hosea  ;  Dri.  185,  186,  293-296, 
281-286;  R.  P.  IV.  86-95;  V.  115-128;  En.  B.  XIV.  86;  Smith, 
T.  P.  I.  61-72,  211-226  ;  W.  R.  S.  405-407;  C.  I.  I.  196-277  ;  Kitt. 
II.  186-189,  204-206  ;  St.  558-561 ;  K.  B.  I.  174-193,  II.  2-80. 

TI 

THE   REVOLUTION   OF  JEHU 

II.  Kings  ix.  1-x.  31 ;  W.  R.  S.  85-87  ;  En.  B.  XIII.  407,  408; 
VIII.  140-142  ;  Ew.  IV.  96-101;  Schultz  I.  235-246;  C.  I.  I. 
196-201 ;  Kitt.  II.  237-240 ;  St.  541-545. 


216  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

IV 

SOCIETY  AND   RELIGION  IN  JUDAH 

Isaiah  ii. ;  iii.  1-iv.  1;  v.;  Micah  i.-iii. ;  McC.  I.  359-366;  II. 
252-257;  W.  R.  S.  199-205;  Smith,  T.  P.  I.  375-399;  Kirk. 
152-158,  201-225;  Far.  124-110  ;  Eu.  B.  XIII.  412,  413;  Ew.  IV. 
146-148;  Kent  158-165;  Dill.  175-178;  Schultz  I.  230-235, 
246-290. 


THE   GREAT   INVASION   OF   SENNACHERIB 

II.  Kings  xviii.-xx. ;  II.  Chronicles  xxix.-xxxii. ;  Isaiah  xx. ; 
xxii.  15-25 ;  xxviii-xxxii. ;  x.  5-xi.  9 ;  xiv.  24-27 ;  xvii.  12-14 ; 
xviii.;  xxii.  1-14;  xxxvi.-xxxvii.  ;  Micah  iv. ;  v.;  W.  R.  S. 
279-356;  Dri.  Is.  43-83;  Smith,  Is.  151-204,  306-374;  Kirk. 
161-168;  McC.  LL  258-321,  428-431 ;  C.  I.  I.  277-310;  II.  1-43, 
82-103 ;  G.  A.  S.  157-160 ;  Ew.  IV.  172-190 :  Kitt.  II.  301- 
314;  St.  603-624;  B.  A.  G.  244-325. 


VI 

THE   WORK   AND   TEACHINGS   OF   ISAIAH 

W.  R.  S.  205-210,  224-234,  424:  Smith.  Ts.  131-150  ;  Dri.  Is. 
107-116;  Kirk.  169-196;  Corn.  Prophs.  56-70;  Schultz  I.  290- 
297;  Mont.  139-160;  Smend  203-227. 


VIT 

THE   REACTIONARY   REIGN   OF   MANASSEH 

n.  Kings  xxi.;  II.  Chronicles  xxxiii. ;  Micah  vi.  1-vii.  6; 
McC.  IT.  877-390;  W.  R.  S.  356-373;  Corn.  Prophs.  71-79; 
Smith.  T.  P.  419-434;  Mont.  161-173;  C.  I.  II.  53-59;  Ew.  IV. 
206-225 ;  Kitt.  II.  314-321 ;  Dill.  178,  179 ;  St.  624-641 ;  B.  A.  G. 
325-351. 


REFERENCES  217 

Part   IV.  — THE   BABYLOOTAN  PEEIOD   OF 
JUDAH'S   HISTOEY 

I 

THE   HISTORICAL   SOURCES 

11.  Kings  xxii.-xxv. ;  II.  Chronicles  xxxiv.-xxxvi. ;  Zephaniah ; 
Nahum  ;  Habakkuk ;  Jeremiah ;  Obadiah  ;  Ezekiel  i.-xxiv. ;  Dri. 
187-189,  314-320,  232-279,  297-300 ;  C.  I.  II.  43-52  ;  Kirk.  235- 
246,  280-285;  Kitt.  H.  191,  192. 

II 

THE   GREAT   REFORMATION   UNDER   JOSIAH 

IT.  Kings  xxii.  1-xxiii.  30 ;  11.  Chronicles  xxxiv.-xxxv. ; 
Zephaniah;  Jeremiah  i.-vi.  ;  xi.  1-8;  McC.  11.  391-402;  Corn. 
Prophs.  80-99  ;  En.  B.  XIII.  415;  XXI.  575-577;  Cheyne  1-101; 
Kent  67-73;  Far.  153-158;  Kirk.  253-263,  296-298;  Mont.  173- 
195;  Ew.  IV.  226-240;  Kitt.  II.  321-325;  Smend  227-233,  263- 
302;  St.  641-671. 

Ill 

JUDAH  AND  THE  NEW  WORLD  POWERS 

11.  Kings  xxiii.  31-xxiv.  17;  II.  Chronicles  xxxvi.  1-10;  Habak- 
kuk; Nahum;  Jeremiah  xxii.  1-12;  xxvi. ;  vii.-ix. ;  x.  17-25; 
xi.  9-xii.  6;  xxv. ;  xxxvi.;  xiv.-xx.  ;  xxxv. ;  xii.  7-xiii.  27; 
xxii.  13-30;  McC.  II.  402-414;  Corn.  Prophs.  99-102;  Cheyne 
102-164  ;  Far.  141-152, 159-174  ;  Kirk.  246-252,  264-280;  Schultz 
I.  300-307 ;  Mont.  195-204 ;  C.  I.  II.  43-47 ;  Ew.  IV.  240-264 ; 
Kitt.  II.  325-331;  Smend  233-252;  St.  671-681;  B.  A.  G. 
400-427. 

IV 

JEREMIAH,  AND  THE  FALL  OF  JERUSALEM 

11.  Kings  xxiv.  18-xxv.  21;  II.  Chronicles  xxxvi.  11-21; 
Obadiah;  Jeremiah  xxiv. ;  xxvii-xxxiv. ;  1. ;  li.;  xxi.  1-10;  xxiii.; 


218  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

xxxvii.-xxxix.;  Ezekieli.-xxiv. ;  Corn.  Prophs.  102-107;  Cheyue 
165-181;  Kirk.  298-310,  321-345;  Schiiltz  I.  307-310;  Mont. 
204-208;  C.  I.  XL  47-52;  Ew.  IV.  264-274;  Kitt.  II.  331,  332; 
Smend  252-262;  St.  681-691;  B.  A.  G.  427-441. 

V 

THE   LAST    CHAPTER    OF   JUDAH'S   HISTORY 

XL  Kings  XXV.  22-30;  Jeremiah  xl.-xliv.  ;  lii.;  Cheyne  182- 
205;  Kirk.  310-320;  Mont.  208-221;  Ew.  IV.  274-276  ;  Kitt.  II. 
332,  333;  Dill.  180-183;  St.  694-703. 


A  HISTORY 


OF 


THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE 

By  CHARLES  FOSTER  KENT,  Ph.D. 

Professor  of  Biblical  Literature  and  History 
in  Brown  University. 


Vol.  I.  THE  UNITED  KINGDOM.    From  the  Settlement  in 
Canaan  to  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.    $1.25  net. 
Vol.  II.  THE  DIVIDED  KINGDOM.    $1.25  net. 

PERSONAL  AND  PRESS  NOTICES. 

Warren  H.  Langdon,  Professor  of  Practical  Theology, 
San  Francisco  Theological  Seminary. —  "  This  is  a  learned 
and  ably  written  work.  To  those  who  adopt  the  conclusions  of 
the  Higher  Criticism  it  will  be  a  very  acceptable  history  of  the 
Hebrew  People  from  their  settlement  in  Canaan  to  the  close  of 
the  united  kingdom.  It  is  written  in  an  interesting,  vigorous, 
and  lucid  style,  easily  grasped  by  the  ordinary  student." 

George  S.  Goodspeed,  Professor  of  Semitics,  Univer- 
sity of  Chicago.  — "  I  believe  that  the  book,  on  account  of 
the  excellence  of  its  contents  and  the  vividness  and  simplicity 
of  its  style,  is  by  far  the  best  history  of  the  Hebrew  People  in 
English  for  Colleges  and  Bible  teachers.  I  am  persuaded  that 
it  will  do  a  real  service  in  broadening  the  mind  and  clarifying 
the  knowledge  of  all  into  whose  hands  it  may  fall." 

Irving  F.  Wood,  Professor  of  Biblical  Literature,  Smith 
College.  —  "  The  book,  with  its  brief  chapters  and  popular  style, 
is  exactly  what  is  needed  now.  The  criticism,  called  new, 
though  it  is  a  generation  old  to  the  scholars,  has  made  the  Bible 
so  much  richer,  and  more  valuable,  that  it  needs  to  be  reopened 


to  the  people.  This  reopening,  such  books  as  this  of  Professor 
Kent  will  do.  It  is  very  cautious  in  the  statement  of  contro- 
verted points,  but  at  the  same  time  very  clear  where  the  results 
of  scholarship  are  positive.  Its  study  of  the  sources  of  Hebrew 
History  and  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  seems  to  me  to  be  very 
valuable." 

The  Outlook.  —  "It  is  conceived  and  executed  in  the 
spirit  of  modern  criticism :  treats  the  history  and  literature  of 
Israel  as  history  and  literature,  but  is  wholly  reverent  in  its  tone 
and  constructive  in  its  purpose;  an  excellent  text-book  for  the 
study  of  Old  Testament  history." 

The  Christian  Advocate. —  "  The  whole  volume  pre- 
sents a  rare  combination  of  graphic  delineation  and  careful 
accuracy  in  regard  to  historic  fact.  Used  in  connection  with 
the  Bible  only,  it  must  prove  most  valuable  to  the  ordinary 
reader,  while  if  studied  with  a  use  of  the  authorities  named  in 
the  appendix,  it  will  be  a  firm  and  solid  stepping-stone  into  a 
vast  and  important  region  of  knowledge  not  yet  fully  explored 
or  bounded." 

The  Congregationalist.  —  "It  purposely  avoids  argu- 
ment, and  gives  a  clear  picture  of  the  development  of  the 
Hebrew  Nation  in  accordance  with  the  views  of  the  modern 
critics.  The  author  closely  follows  their  results,  and  any  criti- 
cism of  the  book  would  necessarily  involve  that  of  the  whole 
school.  The  great  body  of  modern  scholars  now  hold  this 
position,  and  instruction  therein  is  provided  for  in  many  of  our 
colleges.  This  book  is  especially  fitted  for  a  reference  and 
text-book  for  such  classes." 

Methodist  Review.  — "  We  have  seldom  read  a  small 
book  which  has  so  much  of  clearly  stated,  well-wrought, 
and  inspiring  matter  packed  into  its  pages.  W^iethcr  an 
instructor  should  accept  or  reject  its  methods  and  conclusions, 
we  doubt  if  a  better  book  could  be  found  for  the  instruction  of 
coUesre  classes. 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS, 

153-157  Fifth  Avenue,         -         -         =         NEW   YORK. 


DATE  DUE 

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